UDC 81 "373. 234
Zhamsaranova Raisa Gandybalovna
Zhamsaranova Raisa
ETHNO-LANGUAGE Affiliation of the GENONIM “TRANSBAIKAL KHAMNIGAN”
ETHNOLINGUISTIC ATTRIBUTE OF GENONYMUM "TRANS-BAIKAL KHAMNIGAN"
The article resolves one of the most complex and still unexplored issues of onomastics - the ethnolinguistic origin of the genonym ham-nigan. Transbaikal Khamnigans represent an ethnic substrate of Tungus origin among the Agin Buryats
Key words: origin of the genonym Hamnigan; regional system geographical names genetic origin; toponyms; Tungus of Transbaikalia; anthroponyms; archival data; ethnogenesis of the Agin Buryats
The article studies one of the most difficult and still unsifted issues of onomastics - ethnolinguistic origin of genonymum khamnigan. Trans-baikal khamnigans are ethnic substarstum of Tungus origin in Aginsk Buryat environment
Key words: origin of genonymum khamnigam, regional system of genonymum origin place-names, toponyms, Tungus of Transbaikalia, anthroponyms, repository data, ethnogene-sis of Aginsk Buryat
Tribal names, by their linguistic origin, etymology, norms of functioning, and degree of linguistic “adaptation”, represent quite complex linguistic material in onomastics. The ability of an ethnonym (genonym) to preserve and transmit information about the distant ethnic past is unique in its own way. separate nationality, people and even ethnicity. Of certain scientific interest are the ethnonymous and genonymic names of the Transbaikal Tungus and foreigners, which included the Khamnigans. The article attempts to determine the ethnic and linguistic affiliation of the Khamnigans.
In the scientific literature, there are two variants of the spelling of this genonym - one of the groups of Agin Buryats, namely Khamnegan and Khamnigan. There is also a clarification indicating the locality of the habitat
some ethnic group, like the Onon Khamnigans. Believing that the ethnogenesis of any people, including the Buryats, is complex and ambiguous, not to mention a separate territorial group, we consider it appropriate to cite existing opinions about the genonym “Khamnegan”.
For example, Yu.D. Talko-Gryntsevich wrote that the Buryats and Mongols call the Tungus on the Iro and Armak rivers hamnegans. V.A. Tugolukov, referring to Pallas’ message about the origin of the name “Khamnegan,” considers them to be the Buried descendants of the Solons (Khingan Tungus), who were in the service of protecting the northern borders of China along the river. Argun. Worth mentioning is the remark of Kh. Tsyrenzhapov that the word “Khamnegany” is a derivative of a toponym, namely, from the name of a tributary of the river. Dzhida - Khamney, where before the revolution there were lands of the Armak foreign government of the Tungus-Khamnegan.
Indeed, in the documents of the State Archive of the Chita Region (GACHO) as part of the Armata volost of baptized foreigners in 1897, the village of Khamney-sky is mentioned with 18 courtyards, where 83 souls of Tung-Gus-Khamnegan lived. In the Kudarinsky Foreign Department there were two villages called Khamnaevskoye. In the first village, the royal scribes enumerated 43 souls in 13 households, in the second - 19 households with 44 souls. This archival evidence allows us to doubt the modern interpretation of the habitat of hamnegans and introduce into scientific circulation the genonymous name of a separate group as Onon hamnigans. Apparently, only in the ethnic environment of the Agin Buryats has the memory of the foreign origin of a separate group been preserved.
D.G. Damdinov, author and compiler of the book “Uligers of the Onon Khamnigans,” created in 1911 on the basis of field recordings of Khamnigan folklore by the famous researcher Ts.Zh. Zhamtsarano and recorded by him in academic Russian transcription, probably introduced this name into circulation. However, as he himself writes, the Khamnigans now live (in the 21st century) on the right side of the river. Onon in the Kyrinsky, Akshinsky, Aginsky, Duldurginsky, Mogoituysky districts of the Trans-Baikal Territory, as well as in the Karymsky, Shilkinsky and Ononsky districts, Kenteisky and Eastern aimaks of the Republic of Mongolia.
The territories locally occupied by Khamnigans at one time can be judged by genotoponyms. So, for example, as part of the Urluk volost (now Krasnochikoisky district) there was the village of Khamnegadaiskoye, 25 versts from Chita. Microtoponymic names recorded in modern field expeditions in the Trans-Baikal Territory also locally reflect the habitats of hamnigans. One of the left tributaries of the river. Khoito-Aga is called Khamgaley, there are also the Kamchaley and Maly Kamgaley rivers, the Kamchaley pad near the village. Khoito-Aga, Maly Kamchaley pad in the Aginsky district. In the Ononsky district one of
The place is called Hamingan Island. Mount Khamingan is located in the vicinity of the village of Mangut, Kyrinsky district, Kameganay pad in the Shilkinsky district. The reality of the distribution of the genonym Khamnigan in the microtoponymy of the region allows us to exclude the genonym “Onon Khamnigans” from scientific circulation and talk about the Transbaikal Khamnigans. We believe that this genonym could have been known far beyond the territory of Transbaikalia in the historical past. However, first we will try to illuminate the issue of the Transbaikal Khamnigans as a separate modern ethnic group.
The villages of Uzon, Tokchin, Gunei in the Aginsky and Duldurginsky districts of the Trans-Baikal Territory are considered to have been founded by the Tungus-Khamnigans, who later became part of the ethnic composition of the Agin Buryats. Currently, attempts have been made to revive the material and spiritual cultures of the Hamnigans. A folklore expedition was organized to the Kyrinsky and Akshinsky districts of the Chita region by the OTSNTD to study the state of everyday, linguistic cultures, and Khamnigan folklore; A regional festival of Buryat folklore groups took place, one of the tasks of which was to identify carriers of traditional Khamnigan culture in 1996 by the Committee of Culture of the Chita Region, the Association of Buryats living outside the autonomy, and the regional center of folk art and leisure (OCNTD). In June 1996, the 1st interregional scientific and practical conference was held on the problems of culture, language, customs and traditions of the Onon Khamnigans. In 1998, a folklore festival of Onon Khamnigans took place in the village. Tok-chin Duldurginsky district. However, the results of the events boiled down to an objective statement of the fact of cultural and linguistic assimilation of the Kham-Nigans into the ethnic environment of the Agin Buryats.
Turning to the actual lexical-semantic analysis of the genonym hamnigan, it should be noted that in some sources the onym “hamnegan” is used (Yu.D. Talko-Gryntsevich, V.A. Tugolukov, Kh. Tsyrenzhapov),
while in others we encounter the genonym “hamnigan”. In the Chinese works Daqint-unzhi (General Description of the Daqing Empire), published in 1744, the name of the Ka-mu-ni-han tribe is mentioned. The compiler of the description attributed the Ka-mu-ni-Han tribe to the Tungus. We believe that the name “hamnigan” could have appeared from Chinese writing ka-mu-ni-han.
Kh. Tsyrenzhapov in the abstract “Information about the Transbaikal Khamnegans in an anonymous manuscript of the late 18th century.” made an attempt to etymologize the onym “Khamnegan” from the Turkic languages as “closely united”, referring to the Khamnegan legend recorded by Talko-Gryntsevich about the resettlement of the Khamnegans from Altai about 3000 years ago. V.A. Tu-golukov, in turn, questions Tsyrenzhapov’s version about the ethnic ties of the mounted Tungus of Transbaikalia with Western Altai, “... when no Tungus were known about” [ibid.].
The opinion of D.G. Damdinov's claim about the Mongolian and not the Tungusic origin of the Hamne-Gan, unfortunately, is not supported. And, as V.A. notes. Tugolukov, “Buryat legends call the Khamnegans-Tungus, and not the Mongols, the ancient inhabitants of the Transbaikal steppes,” referring to the work of D.A. Clemenza.
In this regard, we believe that the ethnonym “Tungus(s)” is a collective onym (however, like many names of Transbaikal tribal groups and communities in the period from the 13th to the 18th centuries), i.e. consisting of different ethno-linguistic groups. Therefore, it is correct to turn to the search for the linguistic origin of the genonym Khamnigan to the languages of peoples of Turkic, Samoyedic or Paleo-Asian origin.
In this regard, it is possible to compare onyms of exonymic origin, i.e. what tribes and groups called each other. For example, in the Ket language the ethnonym “Tungus” is designated by the onym Khymga (plural: Khymgan). In another Kets-Russian dictionary the ethnonym “Evenk”
(Evenki)" also means Khymga (Khymgan).
The Kets are also considered to be peoples of Paleo-Asian linguistic origin, as one of the ancient inhabitants of the vast North Asian expanses and related both genetically and linguistically to the Indians North America. The Evenks, being one of the peoples of the Tungus-Manchu group of the Altai language family, represent the most ancient ethnic layer among the numerous peoples and nationalities of Siberia. It is clear that during contacts, tribes alien to each other used exonymous names. Long-standing connections between Paleo-Asians and Evenks, as pioneers of Siberia from the Urals to the shores of the Sea of Okhotsk, apparently occurred a long time ago, in the historical past, which determined the functioning of exonyms in their languages.
An exonym, as a “nickname of another people”, does not record the self-name of an ethnic group, but a certain characteristic that expresses and reflects external ethnic relations (cf. the exonym “German”, i.e. “mute”, who does not speak Russian). Keto-speaking Paleo-Asians, more precisely, one of the tribes whose descendants speak the Middle Ket dialect today, call the Evenks “Khamga (Khamgan).” This exonymous name of the neighboring tribes with the Kets was at one time written down in Chinese sources as ka-mu-ni-han. We believe that the plurality (p!igaNa 1apSht) of Ket kh'mgan could be rendered in Chinese transliteration as ka-mu-ni-han: ket. hmm< кит. ка-м (у); кет. ган < кит. -хань. «Появление» в китайском ка-му-ни-хань назального -н (и)-, по-видимому, объяснимо комбинаторными изменениями звуков, которые могли возникнуть в результате влияния звуков друг на друга в потоке устной речи.
So, the ethnic and linguistic affiliation of the Tungus-Khamnigans can be established by studying the vocabulary of the peoples who once neighboring the Evenks and Evens, in particular the Kets. However, it should be taken into account that
It is an undeniable fact that the ethnonym “Tungus(s)” is the name of a people with a collective meaning, i.e. In the recent past, all ethnic groups of historical Dauria were called Tungus (Trans-Baikal, in particular). This fact is indicated by onomastic data, in particular, a detailed study of the microtoponymy of Transbaikalia. It turned out to be obvious that throughout the entire territory of the region there were actually Even place names, and not Evenki ones. The discovered layer of toponyms of Even language origin is distributed throughout the entire territory of Eastern Transbaikalia, while Evenki names are found in northern territories region.
Note that until now in the scientific literature there is not a single adequate and objective definition of the ethnonym either “Tun-Gus(s)” or “Buryat(s)”. The same can be said about other ethnonyms and genonyms of Siberia, especially Eastern. V.A. Tugolukov considers the issue of distinguishing between Evens and Evenks not fundamentally important: “Evens are a variant of the name Evenki...”. Indeed, there is no special division between the Evens and the Evenkis, maybe only in the vocabulary and in some moments of the grammatical structure.
Before the revolution, the Evens were known as Lamuts. At the beginning of the 18th century. The documents already mention two different peoples - the Tungus and the Lamut. The ethnonym Lamut denoted those groups of Tungus-Manchu peoples whose type of farming presupposed a different way of life than reindeer breeding among the Orochons. Orochons were the name given to groups of Tungus-Manchu peoples who raised deer (Evenk oron “domestic deer”).
The revision inventories of GACHO mention only about thirty souls of “wandering orochons” who wandered along the northern outskirts of the Urulga Steppe Duma. According to field materials, it is clear that the modern population of Transbaikalia distinguishes between Orochons and Khamnigans, considering them different nationalities.
Apparently, the Khamnigans, or Even-Lamutks, lived in the central, southwestern
and southeastern regions of Eastern Transbaikalia. This is indicated by microtoponymic data that areally outline the migration routes of the Khamnigans. Accordingly, it is likely to assume that these were the so-called mounted Tungus or walking Tungus. The Khamnigan-Evens were engaged in cattle breeding and horse breeding, differing in this from the reindeer Tungus. Breeding horses, for which they were famous, required the presence of steppe space, and as hunters they mastered forests and forest-steppe. Apparently, this fact can shed light on their ethnic origin.
Among the Tungus of the 19th century, according to the revision inventories of 1816-1858, there was the Uzonovsky / Odzhenovsky / Uzonsky clan of foreigners. This family roamed along the rivers and tracts of Prion-nya, along the river. Onon. Toponyms - p. Uzon, b. Ozhur-gurey (n.k. river Niksanda, flows down from the Daursky ridge) is, apparently, the habitat of the Tungus of the Odzhenovsky / Uzonsky clan. Oikonym Gunei is named after the Gunov clan Khamnigan. The genonym “hamnigan” fell out of use at the beginning of the 20th century.
The source language we established of Paleo-Asian origin in the etymologization of the onym “Khamnigan” allows us to trace the likelihood of its use in other territories of Siberia. In this regard, let us turn to the data establishing the tribal and clan composition of the indigenous population of Siberia, presented and collected in the well-known fundamental work of B.O. Dolgikh “The clan and tribal composition of the peoples of Siberia in the 17th century.” B.O. Dolgikh notes that “only from 1675 in the books of estimates of the Irkutsk fort the Tungus began to be mentioned, and from 1679 the Buryats. The census book of the Irkutsk fort speaks of the Buryats and Tungus already in 1669.” .
Tungus, as B.O. writes. Dolgikh, were the second largest ethnic group after the Buryats. “The common name for the Tungus of the Irkutsk fort, who lived around the southwestern tip of the lake. Baikal, the name was “Kumkagirs”” [ibid.]. We believe that the genetic
nim “kumkagir(s)” is etymologically the same as the Transbaikal Khamnigans, namely -kh’mga(n), i.e. Even(s).
The first lists of yasak Kumkagirs dated 1698 contain the proper names of “lower and suburban Tungus, the Zaektaev family and Mungal immigrants.” The texts of complaints from the Selenga yasak Tungus of the Kumkagir clan against the Irkutsk Tungus who “want to beat them” are given. It turned out that one of the two leaders of these Kumkagirs was a Tungus, who had previously been on the lists of the Zaek-taev family. The Tungus of the Zaektaev clan, along with the “grassroots and suburban Kumkagirs,” represented a large group of Tungus-Kumkagirs. Noteworthy is the fact that the clan was nominated, namely, by the proper name of the head of the clan, the “best man” - Zaektai, who died, according to the audit, around 1685.
The Tungus of the Zaektaev family were considered horse breeders. This ethnographic fact apparently explains the fact that the Tungus-Kumkagirs were a kind of “border group that often clashed with the Mongols and Soyots.” As Dolgikh writes, sometimes they entered the territories of nomadic Buryat-Mongol clans: Tunku, Temnik, Kabansk and Selenginsk rivers. According to archival data, according to the revision tales of 1851, the Armata foreign government in the Zaektaev clan numbered 153 male souls, and 155 female souls of “baptized Tungus and Tongus women.” The names and surnames of baptized Tungus have a two- and three-component structure: Mikhailo Nazvanov, Osip Egorov, Kochetov, Trofim Nikiforov, Malafey Nikiforov Dunaev, Dmitry Fedorov Tatarinov, Ivan Vasiliev Dunaev, etc. Female names only two-component: Pelageya Denisova, Avdotya Fedorova, Nenila Grigorieva, Ulita Yakovleva and others. Some baptized Tungus have their original pagan names recorded: Tsybyk Burtilanov, and by baptism Nikon Moiseev Tyutrin; Tsybyk's brother Badma, and by baptism Grigory Alekseev Tatarinov. The other part of this clan, numbering 37 families, at that time were not subject to Christianization. Apparently, the facts of proximity to the Mongolian world, reflected in both economic and everyday similarities (traditional horse breeding), and in the anthroponymicon of the Kumka-Girs and Buryats, determined over time their ethnic indistinguishability.
The proximity of the Tungus and Buryats is well known, which naturally added to the confusion in the ethnonymous and exonymic names of clan groups and communities. Personal names Tsybyk, Badma are native Mongolian and Buryat names of Tibetan origin. Let us add that the historical and political reality of the 17th-18th centuries. also assumed the natural emergence of family and other relationships between clans, which contributed to deep assimilation processes that affected all the peoples of Siberia.
A comparative and comparative analysis of GAChO documents - data on the number of yasak payers - clarifies the change in the number of yasak-paying foreigners. The process of colonization of Eastern Siberia, which contributed to the Russification of the indigenous population through baptism, which entailed a change in the anthroponymicon of the indigenous population, orientation, sometimes violent, to the Russian way of life, unrest and uprisings of foreigners as a result of this mediated the unstable situation as a whole. It became possible, often encouraged by provincial and volost authorities, to move from one clan to another, sometimes changing both language and ethnicity. The role of the economic order should also be taken into account: at baptism, a Tungus, Buryat or other foreigner was freed from the burden of yasak.
Returning to the question of the etymology of the genonym hamnigan, the following linguistic facts should be described. If in the genonym Kumkagir the Ket хъмг+suffixal -gir is clearly discernible, then questions arise regarding the Transbaikalian Khamni-gan/Khamnegan. In this regard, let's try to
analyze the genotoponyms Hamingan (island and mountain), Kameganay, Khamgaley, Kamchaley, Maly Kamgaley with the topographic basis Khamga(n). It is obvious that the hydronym Khamgaley, like Kamchaley, Maly Kamgaley, Maly Kamchaley, originated from the Ket Khamga. The “transformation” of the toponym Khamgaley in the names of Kamchaley, Maly Kamchaley could have happened accidentally, in the form of a typo when transferred to the map (-g-< -ч-).
In the toponyms of Hamingan one can “guess” the genonym “hamnigan”. The phenomenon of phonological inversion, apparently, became precisely the factor due to which the toponym Hamingan “appeared”. We believe that the inversion affected the Chinese ka-mu-ni-han, or more precisely, the compound ones - ni-han< -га-н (ай). Случилась фонологическая инверсия в названии рода как явление интерференции в результате взаимодействия языковых систем в условиях двуязычия.
Based on the thesis that the Ket Khymga(n) can function in the form of the genonym Kumkogir, we believe it is quite likely to classify the following toponyms as genotoponyms with the topographic base Kh'mga(n): r. Kumocha, Khumeshi tract (Duldurga district), Bolshaya Kuma, Middle Kuma, Malaya Kuma fields, Kumaki village (Shilkinsky district), lake. Gum-ba-Nor, Kamkai village, Kamkaichik pad, Kamkaya village (Olovyanninsky district), Ku-mylsky Golets mountain, Kumyl tract, river. Kumyl Agutsa - left tributary of the river. Agutsa, b. Kumyl stream Hamara, Khurna-Khamar pad, Khurka-Khamar pad (Kyrinsky district), Kumakovskaya pad (Nerchinsky district), Khomutai pad, Kumen section (Sretensky district), river. Komochi is the left tributary of the river. Kucheger, b. Hamor is the left tributary of the river. South Haverga (Akshinsky district). The presented data from field research, or more precisely, the territoriality of their distribution, convinces us of the fact of the ethnic proximity of different groups of Tungus of historical Dauria. The tribes of the Samoyeds, other Tungus-Manchu peoples, Paleo-Asian, and Mongolian tribes neighboring the Khamnigans during the division of lands and lands, places of nomadism were forced
We were to nominate them. The tracts were given names and “nicknames of the clans of foreigners” in order to avoid all kinds of misunderstandings and clashes. The transferred genonymic name through the Russian language “transformed” in toponyms into bases such as Kum-/Kom-/Hum--/Ham-, which represents moments of their linguistic development in the Russian and Buryat languages. For toponyms mastered through the Buryat language, the use of initial x- is typical, and for Russian - k-.
Observation data based on extensive field and archival materials on the Tungus-Khamnigans allowed us to present in this article a version of the origin of the genonym Khamga(n). B.O. Dolgikh points out that “...the old name of the Yenisei above the mouth of the Angara was Ke-ma, or Kima,” referring, in turn, to Klaproth [S. 185]. Therefore, we believe that the exonym Kh'mga(n) could be based on the name of the river, i.e. Yenisei. Apparently, some clan group of Ket-speaking Ostyaks could call themselves this way (which is unlikely) or a neighboring tribe. In the historical past, it was considered common practice to name neighboring peoples or tribes by their habitat. Most often these were the names of rivers, because... the basin of large rivers was inhabited by tribes and settled for a long time.
This ethnic group could be close to the Evenks or Evens, who lived interspersed with the Ostyaks not only in the past in the Yenisei district, but throughout Siberia. In any case, it is indisputable that this name Khamnigan “came” to Transbaikalia and was transferred by Keto-speaking tribes, and therefore is one of the most ancient genonyms on the territory of historical Dauria.
Thus, onomastic data provide the researcher with a unique opportunity to “look” into the distant past, to recreate not only the ethnolinguistic, ethnocultural connections of peoples and nationalities, tribes and clan communities, but also moments of linguistic “assimilation” of onomastic phenomena, such as the genonym “khamnigan”. Com-
a comprehensive study of all issues relating to the history of the region, language, culture of one of the small peoples, such as the Khorinsky (Aginsky) Buryats, their folklore, archival documents and constitute the entire scientific
1. Tugolukov, V.A. The main ethnonyms of the Tungus (Evenks and Evens) [Text]//Ethnonyms. - M.: Nauka, 1970. - P. 214.
2. State Archive of the Chita Region (GACHO), f. 19, op. 1, d. 86, l. 84.
3. Damdinov, D.G. Linguistic affiliation of Hamnigan [Text] // Popular Science. zh-l "Transbaikalia". - Chita, 2002. - No. 4. - P. 44-45.
4. State Archive of the Chita Region (GACHO), f. 1o, op. 1, no. 89, pp. 39-40.
5. Field toponymic materials 2005, 2006, 2007.
6. Damdinov, D.G. The dialect of the Onon Hamnegans [Text]: diss. Ph.D. Philol. Sciences / D.G. Damdinov. -Ulan-Ude, 1966.
7. Tugolukov, V.A. The main ethnonyms of the Tungus (Evenks and Evens) [Text] / V.A. Tugolukov //Ethnonyms. - M.: Nauka, 1970. - P. 214.
tools for a researcher working in one of the most complex, and therefore not fully studied, areas of linguistics, such as toponymy, anthroponymy, ethnonymy.
Literature
B. Zhamsaranova, R.G. On the issue of hamnegans [Text] / R.G. Zhamsaranova // Popular science. zh-l "Transbaikalia". - Chita, 2QQ2. - No. 4. - S. 4c.
9. Werner, GK. Dictionary Kets-Russian and Russian-Kets: textbook. village for primary school students [Text] / G.K. Werner. - St. Petersburg: Education, T99Z. - ZT9 s.
W. Maksunova, Z.V. Concise Kets-Russian dictionary. Middle Ket dialect [Text] / Z.V. Maksunova. - Krasnoyarsk: RIO KSPU, 2QQТ. - T22 s.
TT. State Archives of the Chita Region (GACHO), f. 55.
T2. Dolgikh, B.O. Clan and tribal composition of the peoples of Siberia in the 17th century [Text] / B.O. Dolgikh. - M.: Publishing House of the Academy of Sciences, T9vQ. - P. 299.
TK. State Archive of the Chita Region (GACHO), f. b, op. T, d. T7594, l. TV
Briefly about author
Zhamsaranova R.G., Ph.D. Philol. Sciences, Associate Professor of the Department Zhamsaranova R.G., Ph.D. (Philology), Assistant Professor,
theoretical and applied linguistics, Chita Theoretical and Applied Linguistics Department, Chita State
State University (ChitSU) University (ChSU)
servant tel. 35-91-13
Scientific interests: onomastics, ethnonymy, anthroponymy
nimika (historical), toponymy (regional) (historical), toponymy (regional)
The Khamnigans are an ethnographic group of tribes of Evenki origin who were influenced by the Mongolian language and culture. They mainly live in the territory of the People's Republic of China (Hulun-Buir aimag of the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region), Mongolia (Dornod and Khenti aimags of Mongolia, the Russian Federation (Buryatia and Trans-Baikal Territory). The number is about 2 thousand people.
Hamnigan groups
The Onon Khamnigans are a conglomerate of clans of various origins, Mongolian and Evenki. At the beginning of the 17th century they moved from the territory of Khalkha to the valleys of the Onon River and were influenced by the Agin Buryats. According to Ts. Zhamsarano most of Onon Khamnigans by the beginning of the 20th century. was completely assimilated by the Agin Buryats, the rest by Russian Cossacks. They live in Kyrinsky (villages Altan, Kyra, Tarbaldzhey, Ulkhun-Partiya, Mangut, Shumunda, etc.), Akshinsky (villages Kurulga, Narasun), Karymsky, Shilkinsky, Nerchinsky (Nerchinsk), Gazimuro-Zavodsky, Chernyshevsky districts Transbaikal region.
Armak Khamnigans are Evenks who came from the shores of Lake Baikal (with Mongolian elements), assimilated by the Buryats. They speak Zakamensky and, to a lesser extent, Sartul dialects of the Buryat language, maintaining minor lexical and morphological differences. They live in the villages of Armak, Myla, Bayangol, Bortoi, Tsakir, Khamney, Khurtaga, Mikhailovka, Ulekchin, Zakamensky district and the villages of Altsak, Verkhniy Torey, Dzhidinsky district of Buryatia.
The Khamnigans absorbed the Buryat and Mongolian languages, retaining only a small percentage of the Evenki (Tungus) vocabulary. Nowadays, the Khamnigans practically do not distinguish themselves from the Mongols around them.
As you read above, a Russian-language source says that the Khamnigans are Evenks. But Mongolian sources indicate a little differently.
For example, in the book “Mongol Orny Lavlah” or “Directory (Catalogue) of Mongolia”, foreign researchers believe that the Khamnigans, Tungus and Evenks are one and the same. And the synonym “hamnigan” was the name of one of the tribes of the Khitan state of Liao. The Khitans, or Khyatan in Mongolian, are nomadic Mongolian tribes that in ancient times inhabited the territory of modern Inner Mongolia, Mongolia and Manchuria.
The Onon Khamnigans preserved the ancient Mongolian language for a long time, since there were rocks, lakes, and forests on their land. The famous Mongolian scientist, writer and researcher Renchin Bimbaev believed that the Onon Khamnigans managed to preserve the pure ancient dialect of the Mongolian language.
Later, the Khamnigans began to live on the same territory with the Tungus, Dagur and Buryat, but then they separated and began to live in the valley of the Erөө River. And some Mongolian scientists believe that the Khamnigans are the descendants of the Usuni state, which existed in Altai several thousand years ago. From there they migrated to the Kharmoron or Amur River, and some remained near the Onon River, and began to be called Khamnigans.
The Wusuns are a nomadic tribe of Indo-Iranian or Turkic origin, who lived in ancient times in the north of modern Xinjiang, and then moved to the territory of Semirechye during the Hunnic era. The history of the Wusuns can be traced back to the 2nd century. BC e.
Later sources report that during the 17th-18th centuries the Khamnigans roamed the territory of Mongolia. After the establishment of the Russian-Chinese border in 1727, they found themselves in the places of their current settlement: one group in Mongolia, the other in Southern Transbaikalia.
Clothing, especially the patterns of married women's deel and uuzh, are very similar to married women's degel of the Buryats. The circle or hormoy has a width of almost 6 cm “tasam”. And the deel of married Khamnigan women has a “nudarga” or “fist” made of otter, sable, hare or lamb skin. Khamnigan women have clusters or inflorescences suspended on their belts on both sides of the deel.
And men wear deels more suitable for hunting, short, with spacious armpits and low collars made of antelope skin. The Khamnigans' malachai is also made from the skin of hunting animals. “Rich Khamnigans wear malakhai made from sable skin,” write Mongolian sources.
Khamnigans usually sew deel from rabbit skins. In one deel they used 50-60 rabbit skins.
The most famous khamnigan of Mongolia was the Honored Cultural Worker, famous journalist and writer Өvgoөөdei Tsendiin Damdinsuren. At one time he was repressed and served a 6-year prison sentence. Served as Deputy Minister of Agriculture in 1938. And in 1939 he was arrested on charges of spying for Japan and served 6 years in prison.
After the democratic revolution in 1991 in 79 summer ageӨvgoөөdei Tsendiin Damdinsuren received the title of Honored Worker of Culture.
Yurt made from hamnigan bark. XIX century.
RUSSIAN ACADEMY OF SCIENCES SIBERIAN BRANCH BURYAT INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL SCIENCES
As a manuscript
DAMDINOV Dashinima Galdanovich
LANGUAGE OF ONON KHAMNIGANS (historical and historical research)
Specialty 02/10/16. - Mongolian languages
A dissertation in the form of a scientific report, submitted for defense for the degree of Doctor of Philology
Ulan-UDe 1995
The work was carried out in the Department of Linguistics: Buryat Institute of Social Sciences GO RAS
Official opponents: Doctor of Philology, prof. Chagdurov S.Sh. Doctor of Philology, prof. Pyurbeev G. Ts. Doctor of Historical Sciences Duharo" D.S.
Leading organization - Buryat branch of Novosibirsk state university, Department of Oriental Philology
The defense will take place in 1995.
at one o'clock. at a meeting of the dissertation council D003.26.01 for the award of the scientific degree of Doctor of Science at the Institute of Social Sciences of the Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences (670042, Republic of Buryatia, Ulan-Ude, Sakhyanova St., 6).
The scientific report can be found in the scientific library of the Buryat Scientific Center (Ulan-Ude, M. Sakhyanova St. 6)
The report was sent out ^ » ^ 1995
Scientific secretary of the dissertation council, candidate of philological sciences
General characteristics of the study.
Relevance of the research topic. Dialectical research of the Buryat language began in the 19th century. The path was paved by the Finnish scientist M.A. Kastren, who wrote the first grammar of the Buryat language. This was followed by a grammar by A. Orlov, a thorough study of the Khori-Buryat languages by A.D. Rudnev and others. But Buryat dialectology achieved especially impressive successes in Soviet times. Collected material and the research carried out made it possible to begin the classification of Buryat dialects and dialects.
Now Buryat scholars have established three dialects of the Buryat language: Western, Eastern and Southern. Each of them has several dialects within itself. In particular, the southern dialect includes Sartul, Tsongolic and Khamnigan. However, our study of the Onon-Khamnigan language in comparative-historical terms allowed us to identify unique phonetic morphological and lexical features, which, in our opinion, provides sufficient grounds for putting forward the concept of recognizing the fourth Onon-Khamnigan dialect of the Buryat language. These archaic features of the Khamnigan language, apparently, have been preserved to this day from the pre-literate period of the ancient Mongolian language, which is not in full form in any living Mongolian language of the Eurasian continent. The isolated dialect of the Onon Khamnigans was preserved due to its territorial isolation from the bulk of the Buryats and Mongols, which led to the absence of their strong linguistic influence and the preservation of the Khamnigans and their language as an independent ethnic and linguistic community. The presence of especially archaic linguistic phenomena in this dialect is of great value for Mongolian studies. These striking features allow it to even claim the status of a supra-dialectal formation, occupying an intermediate position between the dialect and specifically the Buryat language. Therefore, this linguistic “island”, preserved perhaps from the time of the Khitan, deserves close attention. However, until recently it remained unexplored.
In addition, not only the language of the Onon Khamnigans was a “white spot,” but the Onon Khamnigans themselves remained “dark” until now. Their origin, generic composition, etc. were not clear. What was available was very confusing and
contradictory and full of distortions. Contrary to the ethnic self-awareness of the Onon Khamnigans, their national identity was determined incorrectly in short, one-sided descriptions of travelers, replies from tsarist officials, and in individual works of researchers of the pre-revolutionary and post-revolutionary periods on the history of the indigenous inhabitants of Eastern Transbaikalia. In the ethnographic works of researchers, there are unjustified statements about the Tungsa origin of the Onon Khamnigans (for example, E.M. Zalkind), who were part of the Urulga Steppe Duma (Ongotson and Kuzhertaevskaya councils) from the 18th century. until the beginning of the 20th century.
This determines the relevance of the problem of comprehensive study, first of all, of the language of the Onon Khamnigans.
The main goal of the dissertation is to study the phonetic, morphological and lexical features of the Onon Khamnigan language from a comparative-historical perspective, based on which to determine its status.
Since the formation of a territorial dialect is a historical process associated with the history of its speakers, we had to, through a comprehensive study, try to recreate the ethnogenesis of the Onon Khamnigans and the stages of the further formation of its ethnic,. linguistic, "folklore and anthropological features. To achieve the set goal in its research work carried out over almost thirty years, we formulated the following specific tasks:
I argue to recreate the initial and final stages of the formation of the ethnic composition of the Khamnigans of the Onon River basin, which included Mongolian, Turkic and Tungus-Manchu ethnic elements, which was more clearly reflected in its lexical features, in particular its ethnonyms and toponyms;
To trace the process of formation of spiritual culture, in particular the folklore of the forest Mongols-Khamnigans; show the originality of this culture, as well as mutual influence and interaction with the cultures of adjacent territories, which in ancient times were occupied by the Turkic-Tungus-Manchu-speaking peoples of the Altai family of peoples. Characterize the lexical archaic special features of Khamnigan folklore;
Analyze the history of the formation and development of the Onon Khamnigan language in diachronic and synchronic terms and:
to justify its status as an independent dialect of the Buryat language.
The scientific novelty of the study lies in the fact that for the first time in Mongolian studies a comprehensive description of the language of the Onon Khamnigans is given, it is shown that it is not a dialect of the South Buryat dialect, but an independent dialect of the Buryat language. In addition, in published during 1968-1994. The works carried out a comprehensive study of the ethnogenesis of the Onon Khamnigans, traced the historical path of development of the Khamnigans from ancient times to the present, and characterized the spiritual heritage left by the Khamnigans from their Mongol-speaking ancestors.
The research widely uses the method of comparative historical analysis of language materials, in particular, the Khamnigan dialect is compared mainly with the Buryat Mongolian, Dagur, Kalmyk, Turkic and Tungus-Manchu languages. The same was done with regard to their folklore.
Practical significance ■ The results of the study, theoretical principles and generalizations contained in the study can be used for further in-depth study of living Mongolian languages at Mongolian departments of universities, as well as for further study of the dialect basis of the old written Mongolian language.
The main sources in the research work were factual material from colloquial speech of the Onon Khamnigans, recorded by researchers from the BION SB RAS and the author of the work himself, as well as an experimental study on the phonetics of the dialect of the Onon Khamnigans, carried out in the areas of their settlement under the guidance of Doctor of Philology. I.D.Buraeva. Also of great scientific interest to folklorists and linguists is the rich folklore material collected by the famous researcher of the folklore of the Buryats and Mongol-speaking peoples Ts.Zh.Zhamtsarano in 1911 from the Onon Khamnigans. In addition, dictionaries of literary Mongolian, Buryat and Kalmyk languages, an ancient Turkic dictionary, “Mongol Khelniy Tovch Tailvar Tol” by Y. Tsevel, an etymological dictionary of Turkic languages, a dictionary of the Evenki language, a comparative dictionary of Tungus-Manchu languages were used; comparative material on folklore and languages of the Mongolian, Turkic and Evenki peoples contained in scientific works, articles, etc.
AproOation of work. The main provisions of the study were reported and discussed at meetings of the linguistics sector and the history and ethnography department. Institute of Social Sciences SB RAS, all-Union, regional, scientific conferences. Let us list some of them: the All-Union Conference “Problems of Altaic and Mongolian Studies” (Elista, 1972); All-Union Conference "The Problem of Ethnogenesis of the Peoples of Siberia and the Far East" (Novosibirsk, 1973); anniversary scientific conference "Historical development of the peoples of Siberia" (Novosibirsk, 1982); All-Union conference "Dzhangar and problems of the epic. creativity of the Turkic-Mongolian languages" (Elista, 1978); scientific conference on the problems of Mongolian studies (to the 100th anniversary of the birth of Academician B.L. Vladkmirtsov) (Moscow, 1984); scientific conference of archaeologists "Ethnocultural processes of South-Eastern Siberia in Middle Ages" - (Ulan-Ude, 1986); All-Union conference "Modern social and ethnic development of the peoples of the USSR that have passed the stage of capitalism" (Elista, 1984); All-Union conference on Oriental studies "Tsybikov Readings" (Ulan-Uda, 1989); scientific conference "Tsyben Zhamtsarano: life and work" (Ulan-Ude. 1991) and scientific conference "Vladimirtsov Readings-4" (Moscow, 1994).
INTRODUCTION
On the history, language, ethnography, anthropology and folklore of the indigenous inhabitants of Dauria and the river basin. Onon, until recently, no monographic or other special work, with the exception of some brief notes by local historians, travelers and researchers, mainly of the pre-revolutionary period. Despite their small numbers, Khamnigans are distributed in separate islands over a vast territory covering the southeastern and southwestern outskirts of the Chita region, the northern part of the Khentei and Eastern aimags of the Mongolian People's Republic.
The main part of the Khamnigans live on the right side of the Onon River in Kyrinekoy and Akshinsky. Duldurpshsky and Aginsky districts of the Chita region. In the report we call them ononsk and khamnigans.
Other groups of hamnigans are pressing in the Karymsky, Shilkinsky, Mogoituysky and Olovyanyushsky districts of the Chita region. Khamnigans currently living in Mogoituy
area of the Agin Buryat Autonomous Okrug in the areas of Khara-Shibir (collective farm named after Kirov - more than 20 families), Tsagan-Ola (collective farm named after Ilyich's Path - 15 families), Ortuy (collective farms "Red October" n "Ulan-Odon " - more than 20 families), come from the Turga River basin - one of the right tributaries of the Onon River. Before the revolution, the territory occupied by the Khamnigans of the above villages was under the jurisdiction of the Shunduinsk foreign council of the Urulga Steppe Duma. Currently, this territory is part of the Olovyaninsky district of the Chita region. In the 30s, during the period of consolidation of small collective farms, the Khamnigans migrated to the Aginsky Buryat national district. Nowadays, more than 20 families live in the old places along the Turga River. These hamnigans, unlike the Onon ones, can still be called Turga khashgigans, after their place of residence.
Behind last years The Khamnigans, who lived in the villages of Narin-Talatsa (Karymsky district), Delgon and others (Shilkinsky district), moved to the Aginsky Buryat district. We call these hamnigans Nerchinsky or Shilkino hamnigans.
In Buryat studies literature, the Onon Khamnigans are usually called Evenks. Thus, in a work devoted to Buryat dialects and dialects, D.A. Alekseev writes: “... in Are there are many Evenks, now Buryatized and partially retaining their language, who may have had some influence on the language of the Agins.” However, a closer acquaintance with the history and language of the Onon Khamnigans shows that genetically they are mostly Mongols and that among them traces of only a few Evenki rhodoras are found, which have by now been completely assimilated among the Mongol-speaking population. The language of the Onon Khamnigans is Mongolian in type. It contains only a few Tungusic words. No phonetic or grammatical features that could be explained by the influence of the Tungus-Manchu languages were found in the Onon Khamnigan dialect. There was also not a single person who at least to some extent knew the Evenki (Tungus) language. . - "
Currently, Onon Khamnigans live in the villages of Shumunda, Altan, Kyra, Tarbapjei, Mashut, Ulkhun-Partiya,
Alekseev D.A. Dialects of the Buryat-Mongolian language // Scientific notes of Leningrad State University, N1, 1949. - p. 199.
Kurulga, Narasun, Uzon, Tokchnn n Gunui. Before the revolution, this group of the population was part of the Ongotson and Kuzhertaevskaya councils of the Urulgn steppe Duma of the Chita district of the Irkutsk province.
The number of Onon Khamnigans is about 5-10 thousand people. They usually consider themselves Buryats, but in official documents they were sometimes listed as Evenks (Tungus). In this regard, it is noteworthy that the majority of the Onon Khamnigans genetically do not recognize themselves as Evenks, and the Russified Tungus from the villages of Oldondo, Tkzhavkino, Perednyaya Byrka Borzinekogo and others districts of the Chita region consider themselves to be former Tungus (Evenks), indicating that approximately 6 generations have passed since the baptism of their ancestors.They, apparently, are the offspring of those very equestrian Tungus mentioned in pre-revolutionary ethnographic and historical literature, while the Oion Khamnigans were considered Mongols.
The formation of the ethnic essence of the Onon Khamnigans took place over a long period of time, and from the turn of our era, the Daurian region, including the Onon River basin, was occupied by numerous peoples that succeeded each other in the historical arena, and these were the nomadic tribes of the proto-Mongolian Donghu group (Xianbians, Rourans, Tobass and, finally, Khitans).
In addition, the territory of Eastern Transbaikalia was repeatedly captured by multilingual peoples speaking Turkic, Tungus-Manchu, and Mongolian languages, and by the end of the 1st millennium AD a Mongol-speaking ethnic group began to stand out here. An integral part This group included the Dagur-Daur and Khamnigan. and the component part, according to our presumption, were the Khitans. Beginning with the fall of the Kdandan state under the onslaught of the Jurzens and the formation of the Mongol state of Genghis Khan, a period of gradual oblivion of the past began.
Pallas P.S. Travel through different provinces of the Russian state, part 1P, half one, J 772 and 1773. St. Petersburg,
Pallas P.S. Decree cit., - pp. 279-280; Safyanninov M.A. Materials for the organization of the judicial unit for the affairs of foreigners in the Amur region. Foreigners of the Chita district II Proceedings of the Troitskosavsko-Kyakhta branch of the Amur department of the Imperial Russian Geographical Society. TL. Issue!, 1898 (M„ 1899)-p. 16.
"the authority of the Khdash state, the Khitans themselves and their language. Along with the Mpmn, the Khamngans also found themselves in relative isolation. That is why their language retained many archaic features, inherited, perhaps, from the Kdash language, which is considered by some Mongol scholars the predecessor of the old written Mongolian language. In our opinion, the Mongols and Buryats unjustifiably associate Hamnpgan with the Evenks (Tungus), who appeared more than three centuries ago in Dauria. In our opinion, the first Russian governors of Transbaikalia deliberately led to this incident in the 17th century.
The problem of Hamnngan ethnogenesis. According to archaeological monuments, ancient Chinese chronicles and other works of a historical nature, such events emerge in the region now occupied by the Khamnigai and the surrounding areas.
At the initial stage in Eastern Mongolia, in particular in the Onona-Keruleia region, there was a change of early feudal states. After the fall of the Rouran Khaganate (386-535), the Turkic tribes first formed the Turkic Khaganate, and in the 40s of the UN century. already the Uyghurs - the Uyghur Khanate, which was replaced in the 9th century. The Khitan Empire came, where the main ruling population were Mongol-speaking peoples. Under the onslaught of the Jurchens, the Khitan Empire collapsed, which contributed to the strengthening of the northeastern Mongolian tribes. The Jurchens were not interested in conquering Northern Mongolia and Transbaikalia. They were connected by the struggle with their rich southern neighbors. Therefore, the northern tribes could calmly accumulate forces. Here the struggle for unification of the Mongol tribes.This happened at the beginning of the 13th century under Genghis Khan.
According to Chinese sources, around the 40s of the 12th century, the Mongols waged a victorious war with the Jurchens and became virtually independent of them. Apparently, since then the Mongols have firmly settled along the valleys of the Onon and Kerulen rivers. This is eloquently stated in the Mongolian chronicle of the 13th century, “The Secret Legend”...
According to the concept of L.L. Viktorova, by the end of the 16th century. strengthened, remaining virtually independent from the Jin Empire, the state of the northern (Onon-Kerulen) group of Mongol tribes - Khamug Mongol, whose population maintained intensive ties with their southern and eastern fellow tribesmen... At the beginning of the 13th century. based on the state of Hamug-
Mongol Chish Khan created an empire where Mongolian and non-Mongolian peoples were united on a fundamentally new basis.
■ The Khitan were known to consist of many tribes. L.L. Viktorova states: their core consisted of the tribes Naran - (sun), Morin (horse), Dahe (Dagur) (Perlee, 1959), Ila, etc. In our opinion, the word “Khamnigan” is the name of one of them. Khitan tribes - Khamnigan. This issue requires further study 1. Also, in our opinion, the Khitan ethnonym Dahe (Dagur) was preserved, but the fate of its bearers was such that the majority of them were now Russified, partly became Uryat, and some of them passed to the Dagurs. the Nonni River and Hailar, which
The explanation of the ethnogenesis of the Onon Khamnigans is greatly facilitated by the study of their generic composition. Their generic names are mainly of Mongolian origin and only partially of Tungusic origin. Researchers have registered representatives of the following lineages among the Onon Khamnigans: Sartuls, Saraduls, Uriankhians, Khachins, Khatakins, Gorluts, Uzons, Tukchins, . Gunuys, Mekerchins, Daganhans, Modorgons, Bakshinars, Uldegens, Chimchigins, Chimchigits, Bichikantans, Putsagat, Bakhashils, Lunikers, Duligats. Having examined the generic composition of the Khamnigans, we came to the conclusion that of these genera only three (Chimchigin, Luniker, Putsagat) can be classified as Tunguska. Representatives of the remaining clans come from Mongolia. The names of some of these genera have been known since ancient times as Mongolian.
The work contains statements from travelers who were eyewitnesses of the past, as well as Russian official documents indicating that. Among the Onon Khamnigans, the largest clans for a long time were the Mongolian clans Uzon, Tukchin, Gunui, Sartul, Uriankhai, and their representatives always spoke
This is discussed in more detail in our work: Damdinov D.G. Onon Khamnngans (historical and ethnographic sketch). Ulan-Ude, 1993, pp. 9-22.
Mongolian or Buryat languages. Currently they live in the places where they lived in the 18th century. It can be assumed that the Tungus clans themselves, who joined the Onon Khamkigans, probably in the 18th century, quickly adopted the Mongolian Khamnigan language and, as the 1897 population census of the Transbaikal region shows, by the end of the 19th century. no longer spoke their native language. The accession of small Tungus clans to the Onon Khamnigans and the official recognition of the Khamnigans as subjects of Prince Gantimurov were the main reasons why the Onon Khamnigans are listed as Tungus in Russian archival documents, as well as in scientific literature.
Based on the material collected personally by us and the dialectological expedition of the BION BSC, the following list of ethnonyms of the Onon Khamnigans has been established: sartul (saradul), uriankhan (uryankhai), khachin, uzon; Ulyat, Tugchin (Uriankhai-Tugchin), Gunui, Mekerchin, Khatakin, Gorlut, Dagankhan, Modorgon, Bagaginar, Uldegen, Bichikantan, Bakhashil, Putsagat, Lukiner, Duligat, Chimchigin and Chimchigid. Of these, the Turkic ethnonyms are: sartul (saradul), uryankhan (uryankhai), khachin, uzon (ujiet), ulyat, tugchin (uryankhai=tugchin), duligat. Mongolian ethnonyms include: Gunui, Khatakin, Mekerchin, Uldogen, Modorgon, Chimchigid and Gorlut. We consider Tungusic ethnonyms: putsagat, Lukiner, Chimchigin.
The latest anthropological data confirm the historical and ethnographic characteristics of the Onon Khamnigans set out in our works. In the 1950s, anthropologist I.M. Zolotareva carried out anthropological measurements among the (Kyrin group) Onon Khamnigans in search of anthropological characteristics of the Evenks (Tungus), at least of the Baikal type in its Katangese version. The measurement results were unexpected. The researcher came to the conclusion that the uniqueness of the Kyrin Buryat = Khamnigan type was formed as a result of a combination of features of a type close to the Tuvan Todzhinpas, with a prevailing set of features characteristic of the Eastern Buryats, for example, Aginsknkh. Carriers of this latter type probably predominated numerically, as a result of which the features of the anthropolochic
type appeared only in the form of residual phenomena. From here it is clear that the bearers of Turkic elements to a certain extent influenced some Khamnigans in the direction of bringing them closer to the anthropological type of Turkic-speaking people. ethnic group, while no traces were found of the Evenki ethnonyms (Tungus).
The ancestors of those Mongol-speaking tribes, which are now represented by the Onon Khamnigans, undoubtedly had contact with the Evenks in the past. Tungus-Manchu scholars also talk about this. Thus, G.M. Vasilevich wrote: “The eastern group (Tungus) had the closest ties with both Turkic-speaking and Mongol-speaking tribes, therefore, the Khitans and the ancestors of the Daurs... Kidan-land is mentioned together with Onon-land, Siberia -land. The people living on this land are called Knda-Keda-Kedak...*. It is mentioned that here the Khitans had relationships not only with the Turks, Evenks, but also with the Chinese, as evidenced by the names of the palace complexes in Kondui and in valley of Hirhira**.
The toponyms now found in the Hamngan region, in our opinion, are ethnonyms of Mongol-speaking tribes and clans of that period: Mangud - s. Mangut and the river Mangut (remember the ethnonyms Urus and Mangut, repeatedly mentioned in the “Secret Legend”), Tutukaltuy (Mount Tututkaltuy and the village of Khaltuy), Borzhng - village. Borzhigongui (let us remember the family from which Genghis Khan came), Gunui - s. Gunui, Tugchin - p. Tokchin, Uzon - p. Uzon; dagur - the name of the Dauria region (Bur. Daguur), ila - the Ilya river (On.Khamn., Bur. Ilee, Elee) and the Ili river in Central Asia; Turk, torkun “clan, tribe, house of blood relatives” - he. hamn. Mount Turkenek on the O non river, Khubukhay - village. Khubukhay on the Onon River, etc. There are legends for many of these ethnonyms**.
The fact that in this region Mongol-speaking ethnic groups came into contact with Tungus-speaking and Turkic-speaking people
Zolotareva I.M. Ethnic anthropology of the Buryats // ethnographic collection, 1, BKNII SB USSR Academy of Sciences, Ulan-Ude, 1960, p. 26.
4 Vasnlevich G.M. On the issue of the Khitans and Tungus //Soviet ethnography, 1, 1949.-p. 160.
** Damdinov D.G. Onon Khamnigans (historical and egnographic sketch) - p. 7.
*** Damdnnok D.G. On the toponymy of the Onon River basin // Onomastics of Buryatia. Ulan-Ude, 1976.-P.185-186, etc.
tribes, as evidenced by the place names and other words they left behind, for example, Manch. onon "goat, male wild chamois - Mong., brown river Onon; Manch. baldzhin "ghost, ghost, werewolf"; river and lake Baldzino, Baldzhin island on the Onon river and Baldzhikhaan gorikhu - river Baldzhnhan; Manch. tarbaldzhi "black-headed with pesgrnnamp eagle" - he, Hamn., Bur. name of the valley and village of Tarbalzhdey on the Onon River; Turkic, Aral "island" - Mong., Bur., On. Hamn. Eke Aral "island of Ikaral" (lit., Eke "mother" and Aral "island" - "mother island" or "big island" on the Onon River); ", "spleen-hillock"); Mong. borjin - borzon "salt marsh mud, bolt" - Mong., On. Hamn. Boordzhi "Borzya river"; Mong., On. Hamn. kukulbn "blueish" - Mong., he .Khamn., Bur. Kukulbiin uula, Hada "Mount Kukulbey"; Turkic. Talasa river in Central Asia, Mong., On. Hamn. Talatsa - the name of a village and river; Mong., Bur., On Hamn. tala "steppe" , Evenk tala "salt lick in the valley", Manch tala "steppe, valley", Turkic, tala "steppe"; Mong., Bur., On. hamn. aba, aba haidag "hunting, manhunt", solon., manch. aba “hunting, catching”, Turk, ab-av “hunting”, etc.
Regarding the toponyms Chindant (the name of the villages of Old and New Chindant) and the T)rka river, located along the Onon River, it can be assumed that they appeared as a result of the interaction of the ancestors of the Hamnpgai with the Koreans and Turks. In the work of L.R. Kontsevich it is said: “The name of the Chinese Zhendan, cor. Chnndan appeared at the end of the 7th century after the conquest of Koguryo, the Tang Empire overpowered hundreds of thousands of inhabitants of this country in the Yingzhou region (now Zhaoyang in the Zhehe Province), where they together with the Mohe (Kor. Malgal) tribes they created a state under this name, which was apparently the self-name Mohe..."
The toponym Turka is apparently derived from the ethnonym Türks. The Buryats, Mongols and Onon Hamnngans call them Tuureguud, hence Tuurgsh Gol, where the Turkic Ulyats still live in the Turga River basin.
The toponymy of the region where the Khamnigans now live confirms that both the Turks and the Tungus-Manchu tribes took part in settling the region, but in the end the Mongols began to destroy the land.
Kontsevich L.R. Historical names of Korea // Ethnonyms. M., 1970, p. 70.
The etymology of the word "khamnigan" in Mongol studies has not yet been clarified. It is also not clear; whether this word is Tungusic or Mongolian. G.I.Ramstedg admitted both. In particular, he wrote: “... in many Tungusic dialects the names of the inhabitants of famous localities are formed by adding the suffix -gan, -kap to the name of the place, for example, nerna.gedbin-kap / living on the Gedbi River, Gedbikan), Mong.- Khalkh. the fact that “... in such cases -gan, however, could also be the Mongolian plural. on -п from some adjective on -gai... The use of this suffix in the local sense is a limitation of the later time in the Tungusic language, since its existence in the Mongolian language reveals a wider use, which should be allowed in the Tungusic language." Based on this that the suffix -gan in the Mongolian language is found in words like gergen (wife, woman), emegen (old woman, housewife), etc. G.I. Ramstedg suggests that this suffix is an original word meaning “person” or “person” , person"*. But the question arises: how to reconcile with the above that in the Mongolian languages there are many names with this suffix denoting animals, HanpHMep: unagan (foal), xurgan (lamb), sandagan (hare), etc.
G.I. Ramstedg’s proposal about the Tungus origin of the word “khamnigan” with the meaning “mountain resident” seems to be confirmed in the words of the learned traveler of the 18th century. P.S. Pallas, who points out: “...Kamnigan must mean an outsider or an alien who speaks a foreign language”**, and in Russian documents of the 17th century, which says that Khamnigans then lived in mountainous places. However, a very significant argument against the Tungus origin of this word is that it is known only to the Mongolian languages and is absent in the Tungus-Manchu languages. Whatever the origin of the word “Khamnigan”, the available materials show that this word in the past meant not only the Tungus (Evenki) themselves, but also many Mongol clans that fell under the rule of the Tungus or were part of their
* Ramstedg G.I. Introduction to Altai linguistics. M., 1957.-pp.213-214.
Pallas P.S. Decree. Op. - p.332.
tribal union. Moreover, it is even possible to assume that the word “khamnigan” originally denoted the Mongols who lived in wooded and mountainous areas. K.U. shares approximately the same opinion. Kehalmi. She writes that "... all the clans and tribes that belonged to the Khamnigan union, regardless of their origin, both officially and in everyday life were classified as Tungus. This was called (^etshuap, which meant a member of the Transbaikal tribe of border guards, under the command of the Tungus , or "Trans-Baikal Tungus". Most of the clans of the Trans-Baikal Evenks, as well as the Evenks who were in contact with the Mongols and Khorin Buryats, whose language formed the basis of the Buryat literary language, belonged to the Khamnigan union. In this regard, it becomes clear that this word will be used in the future , began to be used to name other Evenks with the meaning “Evenks in general”*.
In the process of further study of the material, a new version of the origin of this ethnonym was put forward. We assume that this name is an ethnonym of one of the Khitan clans.
Archaic features in the sound and grammatical structure of the Onon-Khamnigan dialect.
The language of the Onon Hamnngans is more likely of the Oirat type. However, unlike it, it has many archaic features characteristic of the old written Mongolian language. Currently, the language of the younger generation, Khamnigan, is undergoing intense influence from the Buryat language; in the older generation this is not so clearly noted. The degree of influence of the Buryat language on the Khamnigan dialect varies in different areas. The dialect of the inhabitants of the Shumunda, Altai and Kyra uluses was less influenced than others by the Buryat language due to the fact that these uluses are located relatively far from the places of residence of the Buryats.
Residents of the Tarbaldzhey, Mashut, Ulkhun-Partiya, Kurulga and Narasun uluses speak more or less the same. It was largely influenced by the Buryat language, especially during the Soviet period. In addition to the influence of the dialect of the Agin Buryats, this is explained by another fact. that in the twenties
* Kohalmi K.U. Once again on the question of the origin of hamnigan // Brief communications of the Institute of Asian Peoples. N 83, M., 1964.-p.163.
Tarbaldzhey ulus more than 30 families moved from the Ukurik area of the Khplok region to the Kurulga ulus at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries. - about 20 Buryat families from Barguzin. Education in primary schools in these uluses was conducted in the Buryat language, and Buryats worked as teachers. Graduates of these schools continued their further education in the 30-50s, as a rule, in the breakaways of the Aginsky district, thereby improving their knowledge of the Buryat language. The Hamiigan language of the Uzon, Tokchnn and Gunui localities, located on the territory of the Agin Buryat National District, experienced the strongest influence from the Buryat language.
Thus, the Ononskne Hamnigans in their language do not constitute a homogeneous mass. In its most “purest” form, the former Khamnigan language was preserved in the uluses of Shumunda, Altai, Kyra, etc. Therefore, as a basis for describing the dialect
We took the speech of these villages from the Onon Khamnigans, but in other villages purely Khamnigan linguistic features are often intertwined with Buryat features, gradually disappearing under the influence of this language. Although the Altan-Kyrn speech is closer to the Mongolian language, given the trend of further convergence of the Onon Khamnigan dialect with the Buryat language, the author in his work describes the Onon Khamnigan language as one of the independent dialects of the Buryat language.
A recording of Khamnigan colloquial speech, made 74 years ago by the famous collector of folklore of Mongol-speaking peoples Ts.Zh. Zhamtsarano, indicates that there were more archaic features in the Onon-Khamngan dialect at that time than now. Referring to the archaic nature of the Onon Khamnigans, our famous Mongolian scholar G.D. Sanzheev writes: “the current state of Mongol studies indicates that there are such living Mongolian dialects that in Koska kph relations turn out to be older than the written language.”
Archaic phenomena are observed not only in phonetics, but also in morphology and vocabulary. That is why the language of the Onon Khamnigans deserves the status of an independent dialect of the Buryat language. It is no coincidence that A.M. Pozdneev back in the 19th century. singled it out among the three tribal languages of the Buryats: “We considered it mostly
See in detail the work: D.G.Damdnov. Onon Khamnigans /Issues of spiritual culture/. Ulan-Ude, 1993.-p.64 ff.
Sanzheev G.D. Manchu-Mongod language parallels//News of the USSR Academy of Sciences, part two, Leningrad, 1930, p.705.
parts of three kinds of Buryats: a) - pre-Baikal, Buryat-aboriginals but predominantly; b) - Transbaikal, i.e. Selengan and Khorinskys - immigrants from Mongolia; c) - Onon - also immigrants from Mongolia, who most submitted to the influence of the Tungus"
The sound composition of the Onon-Khamnigan dialect coincides with the phonemes of the modern Mongolian and Buryat languages in the part where they have something in common with each other. In those cases where they differ in relation to certain sounds and phonetic phenomena, the Hamnsha dialect is closer to the Mongolian language. So, for example, in the Khamngan dialect and in the Mongolian language there are affricates and there is no phoneme b, in the Buryat language, on the contrary, there are no affricates, but there is a phoneme 1k. At the same time, the Khamngan dialect differs from the Mongolian language in the presence of a number of archaic features.
There are 19 vowel phonemes in the dialect, 7 of which are short: a, i, o, v, u, u, e; 7 long: aa, ii, oo, ev, p, uu, uh; 5 diphthongs: a^, u]i, er! / aii, they. ui, ui, ui/.
We have given a complete description of the sound composition of the dialect in our published works. More specific vowels are the o sound and diphthongs. In the dialect under study, as in the Mongolian language, the sound e functions as an independent phoneme, whereas in the literary Buryat language this phoneme is absent. The short vowel sound in is found in words with soft vowels instead of the vowel sounds up e of the Buryat language: he. hamn. eke //uku, bur. woohe, mong. ex /give/; He. hamn. oder //uder, bur. Uder, Mong. eder /day/ etc.
As is known, in the Buryat literary language, more precisely in the Horn dialect, which formed the basis of this language, the rounded phonemes a n u coincided in one sound. In the Hamnngan dialect, the rounded a began to displace the soft-rowed wide unrounded sound e, coinciding with the latter in its characteristics, for example:
He. hamn. Boer. Mong. meaning
Laterin A.M. Samples of folk literature of Mongolian tribes. Vol. 1, Folk songs of the Mongols. St. Petersburg, 1880s. 185-186.
Damdnov D.G. Ethno-linguistic sketch of the Khamnigan dialect // Study of Buryat dialects. Issue 2, Ulan-Ude, 1968, p. 80, etc.
edenchnn edeshnn e,"pchpn they
nreke/Lgrok-u erehe pr>kh to come.
Sound 9, as in Mongolian and Kalmyk languages, can be used in all positions of the layer:
He. hamn. bur mong ka;sh mong. meaning
eke//ege. uh"> vh vgk bki give, yes-
edenchishu edeshnn ede chin edn ede they
In the Mongolian-Khamnsha dialect, L.Mpshng and U.Kokhalmp also discovered a vowel sound, intermediate between _e and a: ёпё “this”, ёпс!ё “here”, etc.
In the work of B.Ya. Vladimnrtsov said that with the help of e in Mongolian letters. denoted the vowel between e and e, which existed in the old Mongolian language. This is confirmed by the fact that in Mongolian-Piem. e alternates with e.
Such an alternation of e and e can be observed in Western Mongolia among the Zakhachins and Bants: Elegchin - Elekchin, Mongolian-Pnsm. b^st "bitch", emgn-emgn, Mong.-pnsm. вmcgcn "old woman"; Yuzhno-moshDurbut er hin - Tumut. erhv, mong.-pnsm. epka "rosary", etc.
In the same way, the vowel e and the phonetic phenomenon of the transition of vowels e in and pli 2 o, u pli, on the contrary, are found in the East-South-West Mongolian languages of the People's Republic of China. B.Kh. "Godaeva notes that in the eastern dialect, Alashan-Edzpn and Khukhu-Nor dialects, along with the vowels a, o, u, e, u. And the vowels a, o, u, /a, o exist as independent phonemes , u/, for example: aru-khorch tana “to find out”, characteristic arvan “many”; in Tumut, the place of the vowel a is taken by the vowel e. All dialects of the eastern dialect are characterized by the transition... o to u: duree “forever”, ushyu "revenge"; © transition!p in e/yo/: khor1:., jal. ebdeg "knee", khorch., tumut. eh "fat", in Khuchn-Bargug and Buryat dialects - e in u and e: shne-barg. eder, bur. uder "day", etc.
There is no doubt that in the medieval period the Khamngans shared a common fate with the Daguramps. This is evidenced by the fact that the Hamngan dialect has a number of specific and archaic hq)Ts in common with the Dagur language.
In particular, one of the specific points is
Todaeva B.Kh. Mongolian languages and dialects of China. M., 1960.-p.23-24.
the peculiar character of the sound e. In the Dagur language and in the Ononsknkh Khamnigan dialect it is labialized.
Dagur. language Ononsk. - Old-fashioned language. Meaning
hamn.dial.
ken ken cap who
ede ede ede they, these
6e.T4Í bel ni belci graze
k-er.keere kegere steppe
kel! kele _ kele ■ tongue
eat eat em medicine
In the Onon Khamnigan dialect, the historical diphthongs aji, oji, yji, YJÍ> 3ji have not lost their archaic pronunciation: on.khamn. T3jnMy - tzdime, Bur. tnime, Mong. tiim, Kalm. tiim, Mong.-written tejimy; he. hamn. ojimocy - ojuMoco, Bur. oim1shn, Mong. oims, Kalm.
In the work of B.Ya. Vladimirtsov it is said: “in Mongolian letters there are combinations U + U + i, which the Khalkhas currently read, pronouncing as diphthongs ae, oe, yi, yi, ei, (i). The same Khalkha adverbs with this complex of Mongolian letters correspond to the diphthong and long vowel i, for example, Mongolian letters sayin saen "good", Khalkha cae, byte, sash, Derb-Astr.sak, Edet-Dambi sen "id" ; Mongolian letters Keyis-Keic-Kic "to flutter, fly away,. carried away", Khalkh. xic, Bayt, kíc "id" (B.Ya. Vladimirtsov; p. 256). If in the Buryat language there is a tendency towards monophthongization, then in Western Mongolia the Kadmyk people have completed the monophthongization of diphthongs. A feature of Eastern and Oirat dialects is the presence in place of diphthongs and long vowels found in other dialects, only long vowels, for example, .barg.-bur., central., western dalae "sea"; Khorch. dala; tumut. dele; Oirat. dala; barg., bur., central, western mogo, eastern mogo, Oirat moga "snake" (B.Kh. Todaeva, p. 25). From here it is clear that only the Onon Khamnigans retain historical diphthongs or vowel combinations, and in other languages they are subject to monophthongization.
The archaic features of the Khamnigan dialect include the absence of a sound break in many words, as well as the preservation of the sound *i at the absolute beginning of words: he. hamn. jireku (zureku), bur. Zurhen, Mong. zurekh, kalm. Zurkn, Mongolian letters. jiryken "heart"; He. hamn. situ-shidu-shide, bur. Shuden, Mong.
See: Poppe N.N. Dagur dialect. J1., 1930.
shud, kalm. Shudn, Mong.-Pnsm. sidYn "tooth"; He. hamn. nle, bur. Eli, Mong. silt, calm. il, mong.-pnsm. Not "clear", etc.
In many languages of the People's Republic of China there was a break in the vowel *1 and therefore “vowels of different quality correspond to it,” for example, Aru-Khorch. nolibs, character, tumut. nolimos, alash-ede. nulimas, bargaining nulmsn, mong.-letters. pybship "tear""; huch.-barg dzurkh, tumut. dzhurkh, torgov. zurkn, Mongolian-PNSM. rgukep "heart". Rarely in Mongolian and other languages of China there are words that retain the vowel of the first syllable: Mongolian shibuge, Mongolian .-Pn. "shil"; Mongol.-china-Mong.-letter. USA - "to cook",
Mongor. Jnrgoon, Mongol. - letters. jirYUYan "six", but Mongor. Chuder, Mong.-letter. as1ig "fetters", Mongor. shd, mong.-letters shs!ip "eye", as well as khorch shireg, tumut., chakh, chireg, kharch., barg. chnrig, ude. Chireg, Mong.-letter. cerig-cereg "warrior". (B.Kh. Todaeva. Mongolian language, 1573, pp. 22-23 and other works).
Exactly the same phenomenon of the absence of a sound fracture was discovered! K. Kohalmn and L. Mishig in the Mongolian Khamnigan dialect: sh<3игуа, монг.-письм. nidurya "кулак", н1га, монг.-письм. 5¡га, §1га "желтый" и т.д.
The absence of a vowel sound break *] in the speech of Onon and Mongolian Khamnigans is relative, according to the scale of G.D. Sanzheev, approximately to the period of the X-XII centuries. There is also commonality with the archaic Dagur language.
In some words of the Dagur language it is preserved in the first syllable: dag. nid, he.hamn. nida, mong.-letters. shs1ip "eye"; dag. shche, he. khami, ipdu, mong.-letters. 51с1йп "tooth"; dag. btg, he. hamn. 61ch1g, Mong.-letters. b1с1§ "letter, record, charter, inscription, book", dag. sche-, he.hamn. sche-, mong.-letters. ide- “eat, eat”; dag. rg-rge, he. hamn. she^ke, Mongolian letters jeke "big, very".
Based on the results of the work of many researchers, it becomes clear that the pathalization of the consonants j, s", k" (jireku "heart", s"ibar-sh"ibar "clay", hask"irahu "shout") is not found in other Mongolian languages and is a feature of the language of the Onon Khamnigans.This feature dates back to the period of the ancient Mongolian written language, quite possibly from the Khitan language.
In the speech of the Onon Khamnigans, deepened vowels y continue to be used, y in non-first syllables and they are not subject to reduction, which is one of the distinctive features from Mongolian:
he.hamn. ese Horycv
uen nugayan
usn nubsn
Mong.-letters iisto
sign of hair
nogasun duck
In the Ononskkh Khamnigan dialect there are 31 consonant phonemes: b, b", g, g", d, d", yes, dz, y b), k, k", l, l", m, m", n, n ", ng, p, p", p, p", s, s", t, t" , x, c, h, w, sch.
In it, as well as in the Mongol-Khamnigan dialect, instead of the Buryat spirants zh, z, sh, s there are affixes j, dze, ch, ts, developed from the common Mongolian phonemes s and 3 (s-ch, ts, ]-j , dz). In the Dagur language, the sound ch is a front-lingual strong affricate, strongly palatalized, giving the impression of being acoustically intermediate between ch and c.
Apparently, this explains the fact that in many words in the Khamnigan dialect the sound ts is heard instead of the expected h: dzaluutsuul “youth”, tsachikhu “to chat”, bagatsuul “children”, etc.
Due to the absence of a break in the sound *\ historical stop *5 (s) in the position before 1 on.hamn.
also preserved in the dialect: Mong. Kalm. Mong. - meaning of letters.
shebeg shevg sibügün awl
shibugu shibugu
isigii beey esgii ishke ísigei felt nshigii felt
In the work of I.D. Buraev it is said that “one can quite agree with the author (D.G. Damdinov), who attributes the presence of soft *s” in the dialect of the Onon Khamnigans to relics of the early period of development of the Mongolian language.”
In the Khamnigan dialect, in the Mongolian and Kalmyk languages, the historical sound *s" was preserved at the beginning and partly in the middle and final position of the syllable and word, and in the rest it developed into the sound d or s, while in the Buryat language the phoneme s developed into the pharyngeal h in at the beginning and middle of the word, at the end -d: on.hamn.bur.mong.kalm.mong.meaning
saruII hapa cap cap sara moon
Buraev I.D. The formation of the sound structure of the Buryat language. Novosibirsk, 1987.-p.54.
o s- khoshkhonog khoshnogo khoshng khovki^ direct
kinog // . intestine
walking leg
TOGOS TOGOD "togos tobs. 1o§115 peacock One of the characteristic and archaic features of the Khamnigan dialects (Onon and Mongolian) is that in words with soft vowels the back-lingual voiceless strongly aspirated sound-k is always pronounced in all positions." In solid words, the sound k occurs in the position before the sound i:
he.hamn. Boer. Mong. Kalm. Mong.- meaning
ke]nd-khnid-hehe hiisgek kiisgeh kerBkeki wink keku
Kholaki Kholkhi Khulki. hulh ■ hee!akz sulfur
The sound k in the Khamnigan dialect, in its use, completely coincides with the sound k found in Mongolian written monuments, in particular, in the “Secret Legend”:
Abbr. he.hamn. bur-mong. Kalm. meaning
büKü buku // buhe beh bat strong
(p.343) beke
CÍKÍI1 chiki // shehen chikn. ear
(p.431) chike
Written Mongolian)" x One phonetic feature, archaic in nature, has been preserved in the Khamnigan dialect in three variants: degel, debel, deel, and in b\r. Degel, Mong. deel, kalm. debel, Mongolian letters. degel-debel "fur coat??1." . In the language of the Oirats and other people from Western Mongolia in the adjacent territory, many similar points have been preserved that are not characteristic of other Mongolian linguistic subdivisions: a) the ancient back-lingual dull plosive sound has been preserved - k in words with soft vocalism, and in in solid words, it is present before the historical *i Oirat-Kalm. soooo, he's.rude. so "uh//so" aa, mong. tahaa,<Чр. тахяа, монг.-ппеьм. takija "курица"- In the Dagur language, the ancient combination of iva gave e with the patalshatspey of the preceding consonant. From here comes a partial violation of vowel harmony. The same is observed in the Hamngan dialect: Dag, op"ée-, on.hamn. or"ee-, Mong.-ppsm. oríja- “to tie”; dag. khan "eedu-, on.hamn. khan"ee-, Mong.-ppsm. xanija "cough"; dag. borooshee-, he.hamn. buruush "ee-, mong, -letters. buruyusijaxu "deny", b) the Oirat-Kalmyk dialect and the Onon Khamnigans (representatives of the Uzon and Sartul clans) are characterized by the pronunciation of the word yabakha - “to go” with the okanye Oirat-Kalm. Fucking hell, he. hamn. yoboho-yobojogooson, yobojooho, “walked, walked,” Mong. yabakh, bur. yabaha, yabazha baygaa yen, yabazha bayha "gozhe"; c) the ending of the ablative is the same for the language of the Oirats, Bayts, Zakhachins, Kalmyks and Ononsknkh Khamnigan: -aasy (-aasa, -eese), -Baasy (-Beese, -geetse etc.): Kalm. dzaanaasa, he. hamn. dzaanaasa, mong. zaanas, bur. zaanbaa "from the elephant", etc. In the Dagur language, like in the Oirat dialects, there is no labial attraction, that is, stems with o, oo, ó, y<б принимают суффиксы с долгим нелабплизованньш гласным: монгола ар "через Монголию", чолоо]аас "от камня" н т.д. В хамннганском говоре наличествует губная апракппя, то есть прогрессивная лабилизация долгих м 11 es халхасского типа. Но в некоторых случаях там, где в первом слоге имеется звук о, в последующих слогах гласные не лабиализуется: модунааса "от дерева", дзууи хойнааса "с северо-восточной стороны"; ходжнмдагдаа "опоздал", Монголааса "от Монголии", почтаараа "своей почтой". The consonant phonemes of the Mongolian languages of China include the affricates j, dz, ts, ch, spirants z, s, zh, h, and the plosive front-lingual k, for example: oirat kur - “to reach”, Western. ira "big", ordos. whoop-hoo!) "cow"; shine-barg., bur. Baaral, huch.-barg. haaral, shil. saaral "damn"; sewed oems, shine-barg. oemyu, bur. oemyon, huch.-barg. omu "stockings", etc. All these phonetic features of the Mongolian languages of China show that the change in the vowel *i in them did not occur simultaneously and as a result of this, affricates and k were preserved, spirants and other local phonetic features appeared in both languages: for example: kharch, lavchn, barg. labchn, mong.-pyasm. nabci "leaf"; grub, vndvr, underer, udz. Yondvr. Mong.-letters 6ndür "high"; grub, doo, barg. duu-doo, Mong.-letter. dayu "voice, song", etc. There are a number of other features in the Onon-Khamnigan dialect that are common with the phonetic phenomena of the Dagur language and some internal Ongol dialects. In particular, in the Dagur language, short vowels of non-first syllables were assimilated with the vowel of the first syllable. But in some cases these vowels retain the earlier ones. pronunciation: dag. dabhur, he.hamn. Dabhur, Mongolian letters. dabxur "double"": dag. alhu, on.hamn.alhu, Mong.-letter alxu "to walk"; dag. aagu, on.hamn. ahuu Mong.-letter. ahi "nomen futura" from a - "to be ". Both the V. Dagur language and the Khamnigan dialect have especially well preserved the old sound * and in the suffix of the future participle -hi (in words like yabahu, ochihu and Before the sound *i of the third syllable, the group *оуа in Dagur gives oó: toori “to go for a walk”, Mongolian letters. toyari - "to turn". Wed. in he. khami, toorihu “to go around something”, daarihu, Mongolian letters. dayari "to pass; to catch, to touch, to offend"; taarihu, Mongolian letters. tayári "to cut, chop off." Word formation.. It is known that each word in a sentence and phrase in agglunate languages consists of constructive elements: a) the root of the word with the real. real value; b) lexico-grammatical affixes, Word formation; c) affixes of functional-grammatical word formation; d) inflectional affixes, indicating the relationship of a given word to other words in the composition. phrases and sentences. V. lexico-grammatical and functional-grammatical word formation and other aspects of the grammatical form of the word of the Onon Khamnigan dialect. with its archaic phonetic and grammatical features it is somewhat different from other dialects of the Buryat language. ;. In different periods of development of the Hamnigan dialect, it seems to us, different methods of word formation were more or less active, and now many of them are gradually losing their former function of word formation and becoming archaic and unproductive. Unproductive methods include, in our opinion, phonetic and ancient syncretic methods of word formation. About the phonetic method a lot has been written. According to T: A. Bftagaev, in the speech of Khamnigan there are all the alternations of vowels, consonants and bundles of alternations inherent in this method: hadakha “to nail with a nail” - hadjiha “to nail with a nail from the side”, etc.” For the first time in Mongolian studies, our works examined the problem of the ancient syncretic method of word formation. Examples: hamn. chimki "pinch" and chimki - "pinch, pinch off"; it is a “way” and it is “to hit (the target), bump into something”; Kolo "tongue" and Kolo "speak, say", etc. Of the numerous statements about this method of word formation, I would like to dwell on three of them. Regarding Turkic lexico-grammatical syncretism Kazhibekov E.Z.-U. writes that the works of N.K. Dmitriev, N.A. Baskakov, A.N. Kononov, E.N. Nadzhip, B.M. Yunusaliev, I.A. Batmanov, A.M. Shcherbak, K.M. Musayev, A.T. Kaidarov and, especially, E.V. Sevortyan - made it possible to talk about verbal-nominal bases as an objective linguistic fact that played an important role in the history of word formation of Turkic languages. In his work, E.V. Sevortyan noted: “Due to the mass nature of the described facts, it is no longer possible to talk about the random coincidence of nominal and verbal roots, as both K. Grenbeck and G. Ramstedt believed (the latter, at the same time, recognized the “conversion” of a name into a verb) ). We are not dealing with an isolated case, but, in all likelihood, with a word-formation system that belonged to the most ancient state of the Turkic languages... A quick look at one of the latest. lexicographical manuals on the Mongolian language immediately made it possible to identify a number of verbal-nominal homoforms, some of them. . they are older in time of their formation. For example: bSh(n) // g 61 ""worms, larvae" and 6Ш, b1eh - "develop, appear" (about larvae)", osh "place, bed" and ogi = "enter, go-to place, come to state, position"; iui "horn // bottle. for feeding ¿babies)" and iua = "feed the baby from a bottle (horn)..." . It also talks about the system of word formation, and not about the random coincidence of nominal and verbal roots. G.D. Sanzheev also touched upon this issue, and in particular he wrote: “Such a phenomenon is the coincidence of verbal and nominal roots *Sevortyan E.V. On the etymological dictionary of Turkic languages // Questions of linguistics, 6, 1971.-pp. 81, 89. there were the basics, we needed the floor! "Yah, one of the ways of forming words in the ancient period of the Mongolian languages." The author of this judgment is of the opinion that the coincidence of nominal and verbal roots was a way of forming words in the Mongolian languages back in ancient times. Thus, linguistic material and research in other languages show , that after all, this method of word formation took place in the Mongolian, Turkic and Tungus-Manchu languages. Lexjo-semantic method. characterized rethinking the meaning of words. As a result of this, we have new rethought words, some of them move into another part of speech and begin to fulfill a new syntactic role in the sentence. For example, showr "face, personality" > gaour (tala "front side (of a house), facade"; bulag "key, source, spring" > bulag (chnkinein) "scrofula, gnoshshk (ears)"; toyruu (khargy) " circular road"> toyruu (\te) "complicated word)"; mor do hu "to mount (on a horse)"; to set off (on the road), to leave"> mordokha "to die"; dzotsoo "inside, internality"> ■dzotsoo (postposition) "inside, in (ger dzotsoo "inside the house"); tsatsuu "equal (in age, height)"> tsatsuu (postposition) "at the moment, at the same time, at the same time ( garam tsatsuuni "at the moment of its release"), etc. The morphological (affixal) method is the most productive way of word formation in Mongolian languages from ancient times to the present day. In terms of affix word formation, the Onon Khamnigan dialect does not stand out in any way and it contains the same affixes that are found in the Buryat language. Lexnko-snngaksnskim. way complex words are formed. As a result of phonetic-structural changes, the spliced components of a complex word change over time to a minimum, after which it sounds like a simple word. Sometimes the second component of complex words becomes similar to an affix, for example, amnndaa “separately, apart, isolated” from amin “soul” + (o)ndaa = amidaa “different, different, different, special.” Compound words of the Onon-Khamngan dialect can be divided according to the method of formation into fusion, compounding, compound and paired words. Sanzheev G.D. Comparative grammar of Mongolian languages. Verb, M., 1963.-p.32. Examples for fusion: hami, jabadchikha, drill. yabashaha "to leave, leave" from yaba (zha) "to walk, ride, go" + (o)chikho "to go, ride"; nekesug "several (of time), not for long" from sh(ge) "one, one" and kzsug "part, piece"; khami, ugaidhadaa "at worst, as a last resort, at least" from ugai "very, very, too much, too" + (i)d(a) hadaa "at least as a last resort." Examples for compounding: erkebinsh “necessarily, certainly, at all costs” from erke “right” + bishi “not”; dzaalaasa “necessarily, certainly” from dzaa “okay, good” + l-partial + - aasa affix of the original case. Examples for compound words: kuku nemerge "paut" (grayish color) from kuke "blue" and nemzrge "cloak, blanket"; malay talha "compound feed" from malay "cattle (aya)" and talha "flour". Examples of paired words: ed bud "matter" from ed "thing" "goods" and b ud "canvas"; alta mupgu "money" from alta "gold" and mungu "silver", etc. The morphological structure of the dialect under study is described in our works. Basically, the same grammatical categories are present as in the Buryat language. However, there are certain features, including archaic ones. For example: of the plural formants in the dialect under study, the following are used - d, -uud (-uud), nuud (-»YY;0, -nar, -chuul (-tsuul), -chuud (-tsuud), etc. The use of doubled suffixes The plural is accompanied by alternating d//s sounds, for example, burged "eagle" + -uud - burgesuud "eagles"; modo "tree" + -d + -uud -modosuud "trees" - gender modosuusai "trees" and etc. A characteristic feature of some names is that when they are declined, starting from the genitive case, the final unstable sound n is restored, as in modern Mongolian. Moreover, by analogy with this, the sound n appears in words that do not have it, even in borrowed words, for example: capa "moon" - saranay "moon", kinoo "kino" - kinoonoi "cinema", luu "dragon" - luunai "dragon", etc. The accusative case has the affixes -anigi, -iigi, -i, -ni, which corresponds to the accusative case affixes of the Derbet dialect of the Kalmyk language. In the original case there are affixes -aasa (-ooso, etc.) and -yaasa (-eese, etc.), for example: egechn “sister” -egechingi “sister”, egzcheese “from sister”, etc. Some features represent the declension of third-person personal pronouns: tere tereen, tvruun, tuun, “on”, tvdv, tvdvvi. tedener "they"; kind.p. tereiepi, tereyunn, tbruuishp, tuun "yash; tedenvrepn, tedvvneip, etc. With the personal-possessive declension of names, pronouns in the genitive case turn into particles: minin - in -mini, rarely in -m; chipchi-in-chini, manaip-in-mana, tanaip-in-tana. A feature of the Khamnnpshek dialect is that the personally possessive particles -mana and -tana in the plural have swap synharmonic variants depending on the vocalism of the name. Examples for the first person: buu "rifle" -buumshsh, rarely buum "my rifle", buumana "Pasha's rifle"; tsoolgo "prsrub" - tsoolgomnnn "my ice hole", tsoolgomono "our ice holes", terge "cart" -tergemene - our carts, etc. The postposition dergede "near, about" is usually pronounced as d"ergende: gerepi dergende suusan "vpdelp near the house". With this postposition, the postpositions zakhada, opnroni "near, about, u, dzahaar, hajuugaar, ornuur "past", "u" are simultaneous. . They control the genitive case of the stem. Therefore, any of the following postpositions can be used in a sentence: barn ni dergende (zakhada, orfonp) dzogsodzheene “stands near the barn”; minin dzahaar (hajuugaar, orgguur garaa “passed near me”), etc. The interrogative particles tu and y and the possessive particle of the 2nd person form a synthetic form. The formation of a synthetic form is carried out in two ways: 1) due to the personal attraction of the 2nd person unit. and the plural chpela is joined by the interrogative particle gu, which at the same time loses the vowel sound: chn +■ g = chig, ta + g = tag, for example, chi yabaa chpg? Have you been? Ta yabaa tag? Have you been? 2) to a particle of personal attraction of the 2nd. looking for units. and many more numbers, the interrogative particle уу is added, while the vowels of the possessive particles are dropped: - ch(n) + yу = chuu p g(a) + yu = tuu "li": irev chuu or chpgu? “You have arrived,” ochee tuu li tagu? You were? In the Khamnigan dialect, the negative particles bitegepn “in no case”, ulu, ese “not”, buu “not” are used. The particle bpshi or busu “not” is often used as a particle of negation: toreeneese bishp yuume kereggupn “and nothing else is needed.” In the meaning of negation, the adjective berke “difficult” can be used, for example, dzabnn berke “no time”, gurnonn berke “impossible to run”, berketei barsha Yes, but “impossible, difficult.” In the case of a categorical prohibition, the particle bngn shp p is used, the adverb araichngi arapichp “under no circumstances,” for example, kubuuniinn bitegeii or araiichi tsokyoropnl chn “under no circumstances hit his son.” The Hamnngan dialect uses the affirmative particle -chngn, which in its sound corresponds to the old literary particle bur. -sewing. For example: chamanichigi hareekhu “they will scold you too.” Wed. o!aps^1 BoIiua! (bash boshasi), kbtpjyi^e keg tiIigki bj1ede? “The girth can slip, but how could the underbust harness also slip?” "Short story." With. 334. Words of greeting, farewell, oaths and curses: mende amar! mende! mende banta! malduusa mende! "Hello"! Hargrlaad taa! kulitsegteii! Kulshgld tee! Enduu alduu kibel bi, endebe andaba geechilbn! "Please forgive me, I made a mistake!" Aril! Tonil tsaashaa! Leave! Leave! hara dzolig, dzolng! Crap!; mondn! crap! bastard! dzolpbo "tramp", hara chndkur" "bastard, damn it!" The inflectional and word-formation processes occurring in the Ononsknkh Khamnigai dialect completely coincide with the same linguistic phenomena in the Altai linguistic community. In the work of G.I. Ramstedt “Introduction to Altai linguistics” (M., 1957). grammatical processes were studied covering all Altai languages, for example, Turk, op "ten" - ap in he! " -ep "eight-ten", togs - an "ninety", as well as -ap in the Mongolian as an ending in gyap "sixty" ", s!a1ap "seventy", ... - cor. op "one hundred". Manch. giap "ten", tung, gaap (the same) goes back to manch., g old, /iap "to open", and cor. “ten” - k ]e1^a “to open” and thus has the letters meaning “open hand” (BKE, p. 77). Mong. barn-barban should be compared with the verb barbara = barbaca “to tremble, puff up, bristle” (G.I. Ramstedt, p.66) There are common points in the grammar of the Onon-Khamnigan dialect and the Dag\r language. As is known, only in the Dagur language is the complete conjugation of the auxiliary verb a - “to be” preserved. The Khamnigan dialect also retains quite a few forms of this verb, as well as the verb ьш. Here are some examples: Sember uulash dennuul baa1huda Damdin Dorlik haan gedaa baakan ajpuu bvee. “When Mount Sumbur was a hummock, there lived a khan named Damdin Dorlik.” Ene baruun taashs rapaa abal oaixy.T a.chu - e;shchebpn JYY^10 (on.hamn. F) “If you go there, to the west, you can find different things.” Bi sarutae abul, dildeke-gue asam Ch1mada; 3 saraa ketsesen aasa, daldekegue asam gay “If I were 3 months old, I would not let you defeat me.” Ture kuu ture ashda olon yaldu 6aican p.Teure olon ll oaixyvuuii ezeii xyzaani -ene gem rye cain kun rezi adaglaal abgz (on.hamn. J.) “That guy lived in that house for many years. When he lived for so many years, the owner, Apparently he noticed that he was a good person." Keruldeen bolaasash xojyyjiairiin jaoyy l.chu “If a dispute arises, they will send both.” Tere kvn, orotugae “Let that person come in.” In the Dagur language there is a form of address formed with the help of the suffix - -raanii, -gesh (-gaane, -gaane): cooraani “sit down”: asoogaanee “ask”. In the Khamnigan dialect, the -aash form is occasionally used: tere ken manaeda oroosh “Let that person come to us.” In the Dagur language, a sequential participle is formed by the suffix -goor, -keer: bolgooroo “since it was, as soon as it became.” Wed. He. rude. J. Ene 4im Ta6ixoop4iHi zutaahu “This one will run away as soon as you let go.” Lexical features of the Hamnigan dialect. A comparative study of the dialect vocabulary of the Onon Khamnigans was carried out in our works within the framework of the most important lexical-semantic groups in historical, cultural and economic relations. Among the terms of spiritual culture, the object of study was the terms of chronology. Mongol-speaking peoples, including the Ononskpe Khamnigans, began to use the lunar or lunisolar calendar a very long time ago under the cultural influence of the Chinese people. Proof of this is that many thousands of years ago the lunar calendar was created in China. The chronology consists of a 12-year animal cycle: 1) khulutanaa "mouse", 2) uker "cow", 3) bar "tiger", 4) tuulai "hare", 5) luu "dragon", 6) mogoi "snake" , 7) mori "horse", 8) honi "Sheep", 9) bichi "monkey", 10) takee "chicken", 11) nohon "dog", 12) gahai "pig". That is why in the calendar we find mythical and exotic names of animals that do not live in the Central Asian region. They were borrowed from the Chinese language by the ancient Mongols: luu "dragon", bichi (mpchi) "monkey", bar "tiger". Now the concept of wild animals is becoming more specific thanks to paintings, zoos, etc. The Mongols widely used the lunar calendar. In the Mongolian written monument of the 13th century. The “Secret Legend” calculates chronology only according to the lunar calendar, observing the names of the months both by serial number and by the seasons, for example, “the seventh month,” “the year of the mouse,” “the month of the wood grouse (the capercaillie mating),” etc. Onopskpe hamnpgans use the names of months focused on natural phenomena and seasons: tsagaan capa, ugelei suul capa "February", khabaray eknn capa, rarely turlaag capa "March", khabaray dunda capa, rarely bubeelji capa "April", khabaray suul capa, rarely kuky capa, "May", dzunai ekinn capa "June", dzunai dunda capa "tolya", dzunai suul capa "August", namarai ekin capa "September", namarai dunda capa "October", namarai suul capa "November", ugaley eknn capa "December", ugaley dunda capa "January". Some months have, along with the name for the seasons, additional names - birds, which is a legacy of the past. The “Secret Legend” also lists “the third month, the last month of spring, Eveelzh dopgodoh cap (the month of the hoopoe’s cry), the fourth month, the first month of summer, Hehee dongodoh cap “the month of the cuckoo’s cuckooing,” etc. Such additional names of months, inherited from the Kdandan-Mongolian period, represent an archaic vocabulary, since the Buryats have not used the names of birds for a long time and, moreover, the bearers of the calendar themselves are also beginning to forget them. The Ononskne Khamnpgans celebrated the only national, traditional holiday of the Mongolian peoples, Tsagaalgan, Tsagaan capa - New Year or White Month in February or March every year. A gathering was being prepared for the White Month holiday. On New Year's Eve, a special prayer service was held in the datsan to mark the end of the old year. For this purpose, believers came to the datsan. Farewell to the old year was accompanied by the removal and burning of a large “litter”, or pyramidal gurum, outside the datsan... Having said goodbye to all the “sins and troubles” of the old year, the believers returned home. The holiday began in the evening, on New Year's Eve, and this pre-New Year's evening was called bntuun, bituuney udeshi - New Year's Eve. After all, the old year should be celebrated first! Usually this evening was spent with the family at home. Earlier There was a belief: on New Year's Eve it was supposed to eat plenty of meat, so they cooked so much meat that there was still some left after a hearty meal. In this evening]) each family dressed up a shrine, and the best treats were placed on the Burkhanai Shirve - the Bur Khan's table: pieces of meat/breastbone, rump, etc./etc. The host, who is responsible for the reception, gets up with the first rays of the sun that day and, having completed his homework, waits for the guests. Neighbors) in the camp and relatives consider it their duty to congratulate their relative on the holiday (Mende! - Hello! - Malduusa Mende! - How is the wintering of livestock going? etc.) Everyone who comes exchanges traditional greetings with the owner, bows on his hands is a symbolic gift and arms bent at the elbows, palms lice (he. khami, dzolgokhu). It means deep respect for the inhabitants of the home, a promise of help and support to them. Only after this ceremony does the owner invite guests to the yurga. After receiving the treat, tea is served again. After drinking tea, the guests give way to the guests following him (or young people and children) and go off to smoke and offer each other: tamakinaasaa dzaalaata “let me smoke your tobacco?”; Jilshouken tamaki dzalana bi “I offer yellow leaf tobacco”; Keergetei tamaki dzalana bi “I offer snuff (in a jade snuff box, etc.). During the day, people drove around the yurts around the area, and Tsagaalgan ended with a youth party. Elderly people going home. If there were many yurts in the area, the holiday lasted several days. Naadan - parties. Only young people - under 30 years old - gathered at the parties. The place and day of the event were specified in advance, so each participant organized the party at his home in turn. From the vocabulary of a cultural-mass character, lexemes of once traditional games and songs of youth are subject to archaization, for example: bilusug - bisulug gnoulga "hiding a ring in the hands of the sitting party." If they didn’t guess, then they repaid the debt with a song: uri tulelgu. The game of shuur shndeleku "throwing a bat" takes place on a dark night; whichever side finds the bat more, wipes it. The singing game Budaa Tarilgu “sowing millet” was played between two teams, the side that did not exhaust its supply of songs won. The ankle game had many varieties, for example, honkho, buge tuulge "winning the ankles in a certain position", taaltsaalgu “guessing ankles in a clenched fist”, mori urpldaalp “betuniov races”, nisalalgu (shatai) “snapping ankles”, shatan shuurelgu “grabbing a handful of ankles at the moment of the chain flying”, humparaadahu “guessing with three ankles at the top”. In addition, there were mass outdoor games: tsokhor samagachilhu “game of blind man’s buff”, malagaip sholgu “hiding a hat behind the back of the players”, botogu buruushaahu “literally, shra baby camel and camel - shra cat and mouse game”, busu bulyaldahu “shra catch-up - whipping with a belt someone who did not have time to hide behind the other’s back.” Very early concepts of a unit of measure of length apparently include lexemes of the Mongolian languages in the form nuudel, nuulge - nomadism, migration; nege uderchiin gazar - a distance of one migration. Other names of anthropometric origin also served as measures of length and width among the Onon Khamnigans. The names of the measure of a small area - tev, muhar gee, soem, muhar soem - are associated with measuring length using the fingers: tee - span, rarely span (distance between the ends of the outstretched thumb and index fingers). Tee targanaasa tologoy mendenn deere (proverb) - It is better to remain alive and healthy than to have an inch of fat; muhar tee - letters, short and short span (the distance between the thumb and index finger with the two joints bent after); sow - span (distance between the ends of the outstretched thumb and middle fingers); muhar soem - literally, short, or short, span (the distance between the spread thumb and middle finger with the joints of the latter bent). To denote a measure of length equal to the length of an elbow, the word tohoy was used - elbow, which determined the distance from the elbow joint to the tip of the middle finger: nayan tohoy Maidari burkhan - burkhan Maydarn measuring eighty cubits, tohonn chineen beetey chgshdagan - a hare the size of an elbow. The huruu - finger measure was used to determine the length: huruu dzuzaan toosu - dust as thick as a finger. When determining the thickness of fat or tallow of a domestic animal, the unit of measurement was the thickness of a finger or fingers: nege huruu or huruu dzuzaan, durben huruu, - duruu dzuzaan weku tu, ali ariban dalan - lard or fat in the cavity of a horse with a thickness of hoop, two fingers, three fingers, four fingers. To measure or comparatively characterize thinner objects, the following could be used: hutagyn untseg - the blunt side of a knife, khalneu - sheet, etc. A common name for a measure of length is alda(n) - makhovaya fathom, which has been used among the Mongolian peoples since ancient times. The “Secret Instruction” indicates that one of the sons of mother Hoelun was three aldan tall; in another place: “If he pulls too hard, he’ll knock down nine hundred aldans.” In parallel, the Ononsk Khamnngan and Eastern Buryats had a concept: hagad // hahad alda - half a fathom. The length of the bow when drawn was the linear measure of length. In archery competitions, the distance between the target and the archer was measured only by the length of the bow - numa // numu n was 30, 40 numu - bow. Previously, the most zealous pilgrims walked the distance around the Buddhist datsans, falling on their faces and getting up again, thus they involuntarily measured this distance by the length of their body with outstretched arms. Such worship was called datsan tonrood sugudzhi mergvku//murguku. About the thickness of the snow cover, the Onon Khamnigans and Apshek Buryats used lexemes: knrmag tsasu “powder”, huruu dzuzaan tsasu “snow as thick as a finger”, Khonina turuu dzudzaan tsasu “snow as thick as a sheep’s hoof”. For bulk substances and liquids, household containers were usually used as measuring instruments: a cup, a plate, a bucket, a tub made of birch bark and wood. For example, ayaga dzeekei “a cup of sour cream”, tabag shlu-shule “a plate of soup”, kuiug suu “a bucket of milk”, torkho aartsa “one birch bark tub of artsa”, etc. To express the insignificance, small size or volume of something, other types of measurement were used: adha “prnpea”, chimku “pinch”, kimusunai hara “nail” (black side)”, balga “sip”, khormoy “hem or hem of clothing”, thick “piece (of material, sugar)”, for example, nege adha tsai urisalychp “lend me a handful of tea”, chimku tamakyaar kundeluuleebi “they treated me to a pinch of tobacco””, knmusunan kharyn chpneenchi yuume uleegeeguil “they didn’t even leave a toenail”, balgachi tsang \ 1 hey geechi gu? “No, don’t you even have a sip of tea?”, nege horomoy aragal ar a and geji guubaby “s Kozin S.A. A secret story. M.-L., 1941, p. 148,149. with great difficulty she collected one hem of argal" (dry dung), gurban tologoy tsembe "three pieces of cloth", nege tologoy tsaakhar "one piece of sakh&ra". including for smoking milk vodka (wine). For this purpose, each village had several cauldrons of different sizes. To clarify the size of the cauldron, the lexeme taadagu “seal, brand” was used. Usually the sizes of cauldrons were determined from three to nine seals. For example, gurban tamagyn Togoo “three-sealed boiler", durbei," taban, dzurgaan, doloon, naynam and gosun tamagyn toonuud "4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9 - printed boilers." Usually, these seals are not on the boilers themselves. there was, but one must assume that such seals were on the boilers; over time, they were no longer placed during mass production. In folk memory, the sizes of boilers were remembered and passed down from generation to generation, and people accurately determined the sizes of boilers. The oblivion of individual Buryat metrological names was facilitated by the borrowing of Russian metrological names, which were subject to strong phonetic modification. The following lexemes of length were borrowed from the Russian language long ago: verst, hamn., bur. beorosto, sazhen - sazhan, arshin -arsham, vershok - birshoog; measures of size: tithe, hamn., bur. distiin, dushneg; one eighth or eighth eighth - oshmuukha, bushmuukha; quarter - sheetverte, sheeterti; scale measures: spool, on.hamn., 5 level. zolodnig, pound - puuptu, gguunte, pud -puud. In practical life, there are cases of replacing some borrowed metrological names with Buryat words. For example, instead of the borrowed word verst, the Khamngans used the word modon, lit., “tree,” “kilometer.” This name apparently arose when identifying the concept of a kilometer, since the kilometer poles themselves were made of wood. For example, Mangud haruulaasa Tarbaldzhi kureter arbaad modo bodohu “It will be approximately ten kilometers from the village of Mashut to Tarbaldzhi.” With all their imperfections, Buryat folk metrological names helped people in their practical life, in trade turnover and in housekeeping, but now they are no longer used and are becoming archaic. On determining time and weather. Ideas about stars and planets were limited. In the daytime, the cardinal points and times (watering, feeding, grazing) were determined by the sun. And also, guided by the sun, each owner or hostess distributed: time for the whole day: breakfast - the beginning of work, afternoon tea, lunch, supper, the end of work and grazing, and finally, the whole family had a hearty dinner at night: uglenei tsai, udeelge, good idea. At night, the north and northern side of the world were determined by the North Star (Altai gadasu) and after that the west, east and south were found. Time was determined by the movement of the Pleiades (Zug Muchi) in the night sky. (midnight, dawn, dawn, etc.) In addition, under. In the morning, Venus (Gilagar, lit., brilliant, sparkling, Uurei tsolbo) appeared in the sky from the southeastern side and immediately the cattle breeders got up, had breakfast and began their household work. In addition, the Onon Khamtsigans who lived in the neighborhood ■ "with" the Russians in the adjacent territory over the past several centuries, they have used another cultural, acquired VDM - folk, Russian calendar. According to the timing of the onset of seasons, natural phenomena, as well as ■ deadlines for completing household chores. So, for example, in December and January of every year, Russians celebrate the Christmas holidays (in Hamn. Orzhestvoo) and Epiphany (in Hamn. Kersheene), and the Hamnigans knew that these holidays fall on the coldest winter days. In March. Russians celebrated the Annunciation (in Hamn. balgabeeshin), and For the Khamnigans this meant: “little rivers will flow and the earth will begin to thaw” - Narin Gorihunai Urashu Boldzor Bolobo, Gazar Gesekuny. : In April, Yegoryev Day (in Hamn. Yegor uder) came, at this time migratory birds of 40 species returned to us: duchin uigeiin shibuunai ireku boldzor. Easter Day was celebrated by Russians in April; Hamnigans went to them to treat themselves to painted eggs. It was coming in May. Nikolaev day (=Khamn. Mikuulyn sayn uder), and the Buryats noted that at the end of the month the cuckoo would begin to crow: kukuyn dongodolgo. In June, Trinity was celebrated (in Hamn. Toroitso uder), by this time the cattle were well fed with green grass. In July, Ilyin's day arrived (in Hamn. Ilyin uder), at the height of summer: it was time to start making hay. Semenov Day was celebrated in September (in Hamn. Semeolob uder), this is the time for the Buryats to finish hay harvesting. Finally, on October 6, the Intercession was celebrated (in Hamn. “Pokhroob”), at this time the grain procurement ends, the hay is brought into the winter road, the gates from the cattle open, it’s time for the earth to freeze: ubusee khoreondoo oruulkha tsag irev, gazar kerekuni.” ; - Shamanism is a “relative” system that has existed since ancient times. Now it is being revived again among both Western and Eastern Buryats. Meanwhile, the Onon Khamnigans, who adopted the new religious system of Buddhism, parted with shamanism forever. Nowadays, the lexemes and terms of shamanic cult art have passed into archaisms. In the udigers of the Onon Khamnigans one can find only individual shamanic terms and names. For example. Khan Khurmustu Tengeri - according to ancient Khamnigan mythology, the head of 55 Western deities, personifying the warm drizzling rain necessary for cattle breeders for good grass stand, milking the fatness of livestock and its offspring. And also according to ancient Khamnigan mythology, as well as Buryat shamanism, there were 9 delish Tengeri on 55 back (baruunai tabii taban tengeri) and 44 eastern (zuuneii duchshtdurben tengeri) and they were at enmity with each other "Tsakhilgaan" thunder and lightning, which influenced the consciousness of ancient people is like a fiery flash when the celestials shoot." The rite of durdalga is mentioned - calling upon the celestials and spirits, for example, - Western Bur. Khamnigan ehe baabaybaan, uryaankha ehe odigoon, doel, “from the forefather of our great Khamnigay shaman, from the great Uriankhai shaman” and khamnigan ehe iibiibeen, khatar ehe odigoon, “from the forefather of Khamniganka, the great shaman Hatar (by name),” which is evidence of a genealogical connection Western Buryats with the Khamnigan (Khitan) tribe. It is known that the Khitan state included remnants of the former Turkic-speaking states - the Uriankhians. The Hamnigans-shamanyets divided the universe into 3 parts: devde, dunda, doodo tengerinuud "high sky-spirit - celestial", "middle sky-wide earth = mother" and "lower sky - underground - kingdom for the guilty." In the middle world, geographical objects had their own masters: oron delekeiin edzed “masters of mountains, valleys and waters”, ongon “spirit = master”, dzayaan “spirit = protector of the people under his charge”, sabdag “Lamaist name for the spirit = master of the area”. There were the following names for shamanic accessories: orgoy “iron helmet of a shaman with horns and trinkets”, toli “metal mirror used by shamans as a means of divination”, udap>n “shaman”, dzolig “human figurine made by a shaman from flour dough”, hetse “ tambourine", soribu "horse walking sticks", dzebseg "shaman's armor", etc. The folklore of the Mongolian, Turkic and Tungus-Manchu peoples from the Altai ethnic community has its roots far back in history. Ethnic. the works of Ononskkh.Khamnigan in general do not differ from the Mongolian, Buryat, and Kalmyk Ulngers, but they still contain a large number of archaisms, the meanings of which are often difficult to deduce. However, they can be deciphered using Mongolian and other languages. For example, habchee (numa) is Mong. habchaahay "a bow for a young man made of a thicker frame. without pads at the ends", tumai. - an alahu think habchee tom numakhan kiigeed,... "The larger the animals he began to shoot, the larger the herds of his bow...", dashimag - mong . dashmag, dashimag "metal container for containing liquid or wine, resembling a flask", juuchin-zuuchin, .mong.juuch "intermediary person", elben - Mong. elben "darkness, gloom", kharaama - Mong. kharaa, kharaama “a bird, dog, etc., with exceptionally good eyesight,” irgem-irgen - Mong. nrgen “people, people”, khoordo “approximately, around”, dargaa torgon - Mong. darais "wrinkle-resistant high-quality silk", tsalin mungu - mong! "silver bars", detselku - Mong. dancelekh “to weigh on the scales”, aba-khaidag “roundup hunt”, urtee “temporarily set up yurt for the overnight stay of the roundup men”, tsotso “just right”, ulgeg “wide”, bur. ulgen "spacious, wide, immense", bardasuu - Mong. bardakh - “to swagger, to boast, to be proud, to be conceited, to show off”, ubchi mungup - mong. vvch "completely, entirely (made of silver)", kemkuulkee "to be beaten", cf. Kalm. kemlk “to roll around while moving (a horse)”, ayruulhu - Mong. "grind", ahamad "elders, venerable inhabitants (of heaven)", saar-mong. saar “bad, bad”, tsardaa “into the water”, cf. Mongolian. us tsardakh “to splash water”, bishieku “to be respectful”, cf. Mong. bisrel "respect", ukeeljin "servant, brat", bai kijp, bahay barpldaba "to enter into battle", Tsagaan tulegu "fortune bones", kachinan "small iron (arrow)", Evenk, kachinan "too", god mal "small" cattle-sheep, goats", Mong. god "the same", abahai "princess, khansha, princess", buchnku - Mong. butch “surround”, ou1tee “pos koniosh”, yagshaa “annoying, nasty” (chpnnahuda chnkpndu yainaa “listen, it’s disgusting to the ears”), yaa yangirba - Turk, “the bow rang”, laa - mingan laa iree “asked for a thousand lan” - lan whale. "currency", online, onidho (taabari), Mongol. onishkho "riddles", he.hamn. Anda, Mong. anda "friend = buddy", etc. Some proverbs and sayings pass into the category of archaisms due to the limited use of them in speech, for example: Basusun kilgana boots at hadhuhu, finished. “The feather grass, which is not taken into account, can prick you in the ass,” translated. “You shouldn’t bully even little people, otherwise you might get hurt”; Usu uzunguin gutulaa buu tariaarai, finished eating. “If you don’t see the river, don’t take off your shoes,” trans. “Nothing happened, there is nothing to repent in advance”; Shene uge zula bolokho, huuchinai uge ulu bolokho finished. “The new word will light up like a candle, the old word will turn into a sole,” translated. “The new word will shine like a mirror, the old word will lose its meaning”; Garasaar garabal utashlbi “I have no relatives since birth.” Turusevr tureel uteiilbn “I have not known my own since birth.” Sayings ridiculing ministers of worship and religion have also lost their relevance and are becoming archaic, for example: Lama shajinay but, terge harguyin bug “Lama is the demon of religion, the cart is the road”; Bakhyn sanaa dalaida, bandiin sanaa datsanda, finished eating. “The frog’s thoughts about the sea, the bandi’s thoughts about the datsan,” etc. Among the Buryats, incl. Khamnigan riddles, there are also riddles that lose their original meanings in the conditions of the modern way of life, for example: Sunn durbzljin, uder gurbaljin “At night - a quadrangle, during the day - a trigon” (the chimney of a yurt is a quadrangular mat of a smoke hole); Noyonoy khubun nogoon torgon deelteii finished it. “The fur coat of the noyon’s son is sewn with a green silk covering (bile)” - “; Kurin Morina kuchi sain, kural” chidureii beki sain (Kur^l Mong. “bronze, bronze”) “a brown horse has a lot of strength, a bronze horse has good strength tripods" (cauldron, tripod); Usutei darabaan (chiki) usu uguii shieldan (eber) “shaggy lop-eared (ears), naked hairless (horns)”; Oido opor tsokhoy kutsaba (ogt;or, Mong. ohor “short”) “A short dog barked in the forest (axe)” and etc. In the Uligers and in the everyday speech of the Onon Khamnigans, there are good wishes (ireel): with template cliché words. Nowadays they are almost never used in speech and pass into archaisms, for example: Taachpgp aalm stay in your homeland, "! mendu! "And may we have a happy Nairlasun gazartagana Nabchi tsetseg delgereg le. Kurulesun gazartatana Kukul notoo DELGErEG le. Garahadaa ganzagataigaar Orokhodoo oldzotoygoor Amur mendu yabahuye Ireeltabnn mordobaa! Ene bide bugedeeree Ireku jplay niruunda bnvvken urggshdu 0nv matu tsugladzhn Nairlajp kurlekuinmapa Beleg chatter! Munten tebenain sube tese tusaarai, Gurbai teregu modui butar tusaaray! Modons Mongol urlasanchp bolbol, Mornlojn tegernktuy! bndvese enmuenneese hoishn Garasan gadzarta galguilen Ochnson gazarto orchilon ugay Buusan gazartaa bukturigutey Yabakh\yn belek chattugay! Stuggaa mendu! “Happy to you >ma!”, Bndechigp ayan harguidaa \ det path! ". Where the feast took place, Let flowers and herbs grow there. Where there was fun, Let the green trg.za grow there. Go with the toroka, Return with the spoils, Good luck to you hunting Let's go with good wishes! Here we are all together, At the beginning of the coming year In this small headquarters Here we are also gathered Let's celebrate, and Let the meeting be a gift to us! Break the silver needle, Break three carts of firewood into smithereens! Although, you forest Mongols, you are angry, Please return home! From here, from now on, let us, where you leave from, Calm will reign, Where you arrive with the load May there be prosperity! In addition, the Onon Khamnpgan uligers preserved traces of interaction with neighboring peoples of the Asian continent. For example, the Nepalese arrow craftsman, the Chinese and the Tungus (Oro Gon-Orochon), borrowed words from Tibetan language (chnaya<кЬул = nag "черная собака), из тюркских (яа яшнрба тюрк, ja "луге" и jangir "звучать, звенеть"), из русского (худзаан "хозяин", тарантас = тэргэ "телега = тарантас") и др- Все эти персонажи и заимствованные слова из других языков азиатскою континента, давно проникшие в улнгернуго структуру, ещё раз свидетельствуют об их архаичности. Архаизированность улигеров отмечается также в зооморфных, антропоморфных и женских (оборотнях) образах в разнообразных сюжетах и эпизодах, и в речитативах персонажей (напр., речетатив женщины "алтанджо некэнджо, алтан дэрэ некэнджо" н т.д.) Ведь в эпосе тюрко-монгольских народов отражены думы и чаяния их, они связаны в какой-то степени с реальной жизнью людей, со страданиями народа, с окружающей действительностью и предрассудками древнего синкретического, неразвитого состояния человеческого разума. A comparative study of the epic works of the Turkic-Mongolian peoples of Central Asia led researchers to the correct concept of a zonal epic community. Identical moments and motifs in the epic works of the Turkic-Mongolian peoples make it possible to combine traditional epic works into one common whole. The proper names of the Onon Khamnigans are evidence of national identity. The Onon Khamnigai were not Christianized by the Russians, although some attempts were made. Nevertheless, recently many have become interested in Russian names under the influence of the overwhelming majority of the population - Russians in Eastern Transbaikalia. Since the Onon Khamnigans have been adherents of Buddhism for a long time, their own names mainly consist of a Buddhist-Sanskrit-Tibetan name. In particular, the names of deities are used: Ayushi, Abida, Damdin, Maidari, Namsarai, etc.; names of Sanskrit origin: Darma “dharma-teaching”, Badzar “diamond”, Garma “star rider”, Radna “jewel”, Sanji “buddha”, etc.; names of Tibetan origin: Tseren “long life”, Dashi “well-being, prosperity, happiness”, Nima “sun”, Galdan “happy”, Lubsan “clear mind”, Dagba “pure”, etc. At the same time, there are names of Mongolian- Buryat-Khamngan origin: Bilig Mong. “talent”, Gerel “light”, Baatar “hero”, Bayar “joy”, etc.; names of Buryat-Khamnigan origin: Jirantai Bur., Khamn. jira "60+ - ntai", Muntsu - hamn., Bur. “beater”, Bolot “steel”, etc.; security names of Buryat-Khamnngan origin: Erebatsagan “man-girl”, Eldeb “different”, Kukudzhevp “blueish”, Khutsa “producer ram”, etc. If earlier such names were given to protect children from all sorts of misfortunes, now such names are no longer meet. They have undergone archaization. Nowadays, Khamngans are often keen on assigning Russian names to their children, for example; Mikhail, Peter, Valery, Egor, etc. In the 30s, the authorities destroyed 6 Onon datsans... hamnigan. Only 50 years later the religion of Buddhism was allowed. During this time, the younger generation grew up as godless atheists. Now very old people fully, soul and body, observe the canons of prayer, religious rites of worship according to the seasons and have restored ritual symbolism" in their homes. And yet, from the huge Buddhist heritage, hamnigans, which ensured the high morality of their bearers, are not fully spiritually accepted by the young generation religious rites, ritual objects of the Buddhist faith. So, for example, in the homes of the younger generation there are no a) ritual objects: gungurbaa “kiot”, burkhanguud “gods”, nom “book (xylograph)”, dungar “shell, musical instrument, ritual object ", honkho "bell", ochir "object of religious rite", tsang "plate, musical ritual instrument object", damar "small drum", bumbu "jug, vessel", tsegtsu "sacrificial utensils. (without stem)", taqil "sacrificial utensil (with legs)", goltu "sacrificial utensil (on a high stem for oil candles)", ereki "rosary beads", sangai dzai "herb for incense", boipuur "smoking bowl (small)" , tsoglig “pencil case of religious ■ books”, habtasu “side boards of sacred books”, janchi “wrapper for religious books”, burkhanai shire© “table in front of the altar”, orkhimdzhi “main attribute of lamas’ clothing”, olbog “square mattress for sitting” , dokuur “drum stick”, etc.; b) lexemes with religious content are not fully understood by the laity, for example: dzalbarikha “to beg, pray, ask”, surshika “to strengthen”, murgul “prayer service, religious rite”, murguku “ to pray", urguku "to make a sacrifice, to perform a sacrifice", unshilgu "to send a prayer service", dalalgu tabiha "to set up sacrificial food", keshig "happiness, prosperity, gifts, mercies", nrvel "good wishes", nomnol "preaching", bodos "truth ", "matter", tengeri "heavenly deity", bodi "holy", brawler "virtue", sedkel "soul", iamanchnlhu "pray with folded hands, worship God", etigel “faith, hope, purification”, manjn “teas for lamas”, manjnlhu “to drink chan”, taknhu “to make a sacrifice, to perform a sacrifice”, “to perform a religious rite”, nnrvaan “nirvana”, sedkel dzurku “thought, thought, thoughts, soul", idam "guardian spirit.", tsayuousu "patron, guardian", erdeni "jewel", tamu "hell, underworld", shadzhinai unshplgu "prayer service", suzug "faith, piety, superstition", suzupun "believers", dzurhai “astrology”, dzurhaichi “astrologer”, tsogtsolohu “pour oil, water into a cup, put sacrificial grains”, ariun “sacred, holy, honest, pure”, etc. Names of religious rites, deities, etc.: oboo tahu "religious and cult rite performed on an elevated platform", Chinar "shamanic religious rite", Khural "Khural, Lama's worship", Tsagaousanuud "spirits /or genius/, guardians / for each family its own guardian spirit was hereditarily preserved/", Idam " guardian of Buddhism", Samu "god - guardian of faith", Yamaan Daga "god Yamantaha /formidable deity/", Manla "Buddha of healing", Maidari Burkhan "Buddha to come", Bogdo Zon.khovo "reformer of Buddhism", Otosho Burkhan "god of health person", Aryaa baala, Aryaa baalyn hubilgaan "reincarnation of Aryava.ty", Tsagaan ubugun "White Old Man", Damdin Choijnl "guardian deity of hell", Dorji Dayaan "one-hundred-thousand-thousandth bedhneattva", Burkhan bagshi "Buddha-teacher", “Shakyamuni”, Altai gerel “sutra read for well-being and against illness in children”, Abida Burkhan “Buddha Amitabha”, Dara eke “goddess Tara”, Dzhugdur “deity of people’s well-being”, Manza shru “Manchjushri - deity of wisdom, knowledge ", Dorji Jodbo "sutra", maani "mani /a type of Buddhist prayer, maani megdzem "prayer"/", Dugjuubu "religious rite performed in a monastery during Tsagaan sara", etc. d) names of persons - clergy - khuburug "obslushshte, student", gebgy, getsul, gebshi. gelen, gabjn, doorombo, saaramba - the names of the theological academic degrees of lamas", shnreetu "abbot of the datsan", khamba "head of the Buddhists of Russia", etc. In the incomplete list of lexemes related to the topic of religious teaching, there may be words of different levels in terms of their relevance: either active or passive. Tokens from the category of the passive level, one might say, are slowly turning into archaisms. Many lexemes from the topic material culture of Ononsknkh Hamnshan refer to archaic vocabulary, for example: a) words and phrases on the topic “Hunting”: he.hamn. aba, aba haidag, bur. aba haidag, mong. av "round-up, round-up hunt", on.hamn. abalahu, bur. Abalkha, Mongol. avlakh "to organize a manhunt", he. hami, numu-numa, bur.nomo, mong.num, mong-letter. numuii "bow", he. hamn. sumu-suma, bur.godlp, mong. sum, godil, mong.-ppsm. sumim "arrow", he. hamn. Khoromsogol, Bur. Khormogo, Mongol. khoromsogol "bow case", on.hamn. dzy, bur. zebe, mong. zev, mong.-pnsm. jeji "whistling arrows"; he.hamn. Tubuuchn, Mongol. from tablekh ("centralize, concentrate") "organizer of a raid", on.hamn. dzasuul, bur. zaуul (“esaul”) “assistant to the hunt organizer”; he.hamn. gazarchi, bur. gazarshan ("beater") "assistant of the organizer in determining the place of the hunt"; he.hamn. gulchp, bur. galshcha "guardian of the hearth of each clan" ("chief shaman"); he.hamn. yay, bur. uraa (?) "a special password or cry of each kind", he.hamn. saadut, bur. Baadag “case for arrows”, etc. From later hunting: suutaachin “ambush arrows” (from suukhu “sit, wait, watch”); urgeelchin-ergeelchin “beaters” (from urgeeku-ergeeku “to frighten, frighten, drive”), urihu “loops”, kulempe zaim. "kulamki", daraltu "dies", utaagaar utahu "smoking", usaar chidhakhu "survival from holes with water"; moreor namnahu “pursuit of wolves by chasing several horsemen in turn on a kop”, etc.; b) names of the warrior’s weapons and means of transportation: on.hamn. God damn it, boor. dick, mong. dick, kalm. ke huyg "calchuta shell"; He. hamn. muntsu, bur munsa, mong. munz, kalm. taigpn took, "knob, beater", he.hamn. hangiraa, bur. madaga, mong. Kalm. ut ishte suk "axe, ax with a long handle", on.hamn. ezlemu, bur. Belme, Mong. salam, kalm. selm "saber", on.hamn. dzhndu, bur. jada, mong. jade, kalm. jnd "spear, etc. The Ononskpe Khamnigans used camp barns on wheels (tergen ambaar) and covered carts (bukeshtei gerge), ag.bur. mukhalig, mong. mukhlag tereg, Evenk, (tush.) mukhlag until recently. They were preserved, apparently, from the previous nomadic life; their prototypes are the Mongolian ger tereg “yurts=carts” and kharagutai tereg “covered carts mounted on wheels” (dating back to the 13th century). Later ononskpe hamnigans used durben zengereetey armapai tergeer “a cart on four wheels with a crate for the handle”: zengeree “wheel”, western drill. zengzrhe “to spin, roll”, armat from armat “redin”!”, priests, armapai “with a rare lattice”, etc. c) lexemes on the topic “Household”: on.khami, bislag, Mong. byaslag “homemade cheese ", on.hamn. nilgedzsu, bur. (zoohein) khudkhadaban "milk butter"; on.hamn. khoormog, bur.khoormog, Mong. khoormog "a dairy product from a mixture of milk with the residue from boiling tsata"; on.hamn. pzarmag, Bur.izarmag "a dairy product from a mixture of milk and artsy"; on.hamn. shuur, Bur.shuur, Mong. shuur, Kalm. sevg zlgig "strainer sieve (made of woven thin rods)"; on.hamn. darasun "milk wine after preservation", Bur. darb.an "milk vodka", Mong, Dare (an) "fruit wine"; on.hamn. ardzu, Bur. arza, Mong. arz, Kalm. arz "milk vodka after the second distillation"; On.Khamn. Khordzu, Bur. Khorzo, Mong. Khorz "alcohol-after triple distillation of milk wine"; On.Khamn. berkeer-burkeer, Bur. Burkheer, Mongol. Burkheer, Kalm. Burksn "cone-shaped wooden cap for racing wine ( dairy)"; d) lexemes - names of edible plants, roots and agriculture: on.hamn. mekeer-mekeer, bur. maheer, mong. meheer "bot. buckwheat-gorge"; he.hamn. chiker, bur. Sheher, Mong. chikher ©vs "Ural licorice"; he.hamn. Tarnaa, Bur. Tarnaan, Mongol. tarnaa "rhubarb of the field"; he.hamn. Geshuunu, Bur.geshuune, Mong. geshuune "rhubarb"; he.hamn. temese-tumusu, bur. tibzn, zap.bur. Baraana, Mongol. sarana "sarana, fine-leaved lily"; he.hamn. hurigan 41 psi chike, bur.hurngan shehen, mong. khurigan sneeze "sorrel" etc.; he.hamn. Kholitso, Mongol. holi o “a mixture of saran, bird cherry, cottage cheese and sour cream”; he.hamn. arbay, bur. Arbay, Mongol. arvay "barley"; he.hamn. Budaa, bur.budaa, Mong. budaa "millet, cereal, porridge"; he.hamn. baraigar, bur. Baraigar, Mongol. Tsagaan Budaa, Kalm. tutrb "rice"; He. hami, anjisu (rarely anzasu), bur. anzaban, mong. enjns(an), kalm. Andsh "plow" is formed from an "corral, strip of land" +■ jisu (ku) "to cut"; "plow"; he.hamn. tsubag, bur. aryg (Lubag), Mong. zuuta, kalm. usllna tsuvch “irrigation ditch” (derived from ztork. tsub-sub “water, sputum, liquid”, suba = “to irrigate, water”, subal “will be irrigated, watered”, etc.), etc.; e) lexemes - names of kinship relationships: on.hamn. ebegee-ubugee, bur. khugshen esege, huplen aba, khugshen baavai, ubgen baavai, otoo baavai, my", eveg etseg.eveg av, kalm. aav, aava, Mong.-Pnsm. ebi"en "grandfather"; on.hamn. emegee, zmetee, embee, bur. khugshen ezhy, khugshee, teebin, teedey, mong. emeg eh, emgen, kalm. emg ek, emg eezh, eezh, mosh.-ppsm. et^ep "grandmother", etc. c) named for the subject!! household items and decorations: on.hamn. alchuur, bur. alshuur, mong. Khavtaga, Khuudiy, Kalm. tutirsch- “pouch (for tobacco)”; he.hamn. Tungurtsug, Bur. Tuulmag, Mongol. Byatshan Khuudiy, Kalm. bichkn tulm "bag"; he.hamn. katu, bur. hete, mong. hat(en), kalm. ket "flint"; he.hamn. Tsagaour, Bur. Sahyur, Mong. Tsakhiur, Kalm. tsakhiur "flint"; he.hamn. tenge-tungu, bur. Tupp, Mong. tunge "thongs for tying up the boots of gutuls"; he.hamn. Godon Shirdeg, Bur. Godon Sherdeg, Mongol. year "mattress made of fur (taken from the paws of an animal)"; he.hamn. Godon Malagai, Bur. godon malgay, mong. godon malgai “hat made of fur (from the paws of an animal)”; he.hamn. gutul, bur. gutal, mong. shoe polish, Kalm. gosn, bashmg "footwear" (on.hamn. "gutuls or national shoes made of fur"); he.hamn. ekeg-ukeg, bur. uheg, mong. uheg "cupboard"; he.hamn. gutulain ukeg "shoe box"; he.hamn. dzuudkul, bur. Zuudhel, Mong. zuult, kalm. keerul "pendant, decoration", on.hamn. turtbu, bur. tuyba “horns, tuyba attached to the hair with braid”, etc. An incomplete list of archaic vocabulary from the spiritual and material culture of the Onon Khamnigans shows that their historical development took place in unity with the rest of the Mongols and the nomadic Central Aznati and other surrounding peoples, at the same time there is quite a lot of archaic or outdated vocabulary in it. Meanwhile, in the archaic Khamnigan vocabulary there are no words from the Tunguse = Manchu languages. Let us briefly touch upon the etiological vocabulary of the Onon-Khamnigan dialect, which is closely connected with the ancient history of its speakers. The ethnic composition of the Onon Khamnigans is examined in detail in our work “Onon Khamnigans /hysterical-ethnographic essay/” of 1993. Here we will focus only on some of the genera of the Onon Khamnigans. In this regard, of interest are the Uryankhans /Uriankhits, Uriankhians/ and together with them the Ulyats, who remained after the defeat of the Turkic states on the territory of the Mongols. They were engaged in cattle breeding, hunting, farming, wore braids and lived in yurts in winter /sometimes they write: “in dugouts”/. It turns out that the Uryankhins /Uryankhan-Uryankhay/ are the oldest Thorko-Mongolian ethnonym. It is not without reason that among the companions of Genghis Khan, “The Hidden legend" indicates several persons from the Uryankhai tribe, for example, Emir Subedei-Bahadur and a large group of Ur Yan Khans, who remained in Eastern Mongolia, became part of the state of the Mongols of the 13th century and could field a tumen corps of 10,000 or "Uryankhan tumen" warriors . In addition, the Uriankhians and Ulyats (one of the clans of the Uriankhians) will continue! remain in the same places of residence even after the death of Genghis Khan. Many researchers have come to the conclusion that the Odzon (Udzon), Sartot, Ulyat and Duligat clans are Ttorks in origin. V.A. Tugolukov proved that the Dulikagir or Duligat clan is also Turkic. The ethnonym Uriankhai-Tugchin was formed from two independent lexemes Uriankhai and here chin (from the Mongolian here “banner” and - chin - tugchnn “standard bearer”). In addition, among the four branches of the clan there are Turks under the name Khaibul-Khaibultan (aimag). It must be assumed that the Uriankhians under Genghis Khan, as devoted people, were also standard bearers and this ethnonym came from there. In addition, representatives of the Uriankhai-Tugchin clan had the habit of shouting during strong thunder and lightning: we are Uriankhai-Tutchins, have pity on us. This is a common ethnographic and cult feature of the Mongolian, Russian and other Uriankhians. It seems that this superstitious ritual represents a cult of veneration and worship of Heaven. I.A. Manzhigeev notes: “In the mythical images of tengeri (celestial spirit) various elemental forces, natures and division of labor in the primitive community were personified...Kyk in the patriarchal Buryat clan the head of the community was a man, so the “high sky” was considered father (under tengeri zsegemnai), and the wide land - mother (ulgem delhei ehemnai) (p. 73). Another part of the Tugchkn clan, together with the Oirats, with the collapse of the Mongol state of Genghis Khan through Western Mongolia, came with the Kalmyks to the Volga and preserved the Tugtun clan (Tugchin, tugchiners) and the toponymic name of the same name.The third part is found among the Chahars of Inner Mongolia. The Onon and Dzhida sartuls have a complex history of origin. According to V.V. Bartold’s definition, the word Sart is of Indian origin. Sartuls live throughout Central Asia. Some part of the Sartuls was captured and * Vladimirtsov B.Ya. Social system of the Mongols. Mongol nomadic feudalism. L., 1934. 135, 136. sent by Genghis Khan's troops deep into Mongolia, and later, in the 17th century, another part fled to Mongolia and the Transbaikal region. Kidansky and. Mongol conquest of East Turkestan in the 12th - 14th centuries. and long-term contacts of the Oirat tribes left deep traces in the ethnic composition of the Kirghiz and, accordingly, the Oirats. So, for example, the ethnic composition of the Kyrgyz included some components of mixed or foreign origin: Kalmak, Sart-Kalmak, Kalmak-Kyrgyz, Katagan (Mong. Khatakin), Bargy (Mong. Bargu or Bargut), etc. (S.M. Abramzon The Kirghiz and their ethno-genetic and historical-cultural connections. L., 1971, pp. 28, 34, 74). In the same way, from Central Asia, representatives of the Sartul, Udzon and Edut clans (Khitan clan Ila) through Western Mongolia were able to migrate to the Onon River basin and settle along the Ilya River (in Bur. Elee, On. Hamn. Ilee). May be, . It is no coincidence that the identical names of the rivers Tarbagatai and Ili in Central Asia and Tarbagatai and Ilya in Eastern Transbaikalia were formed in the places of residence of the Elutians and among the Dzonians, as well as the Talacha River in Central Asia and the Talaca River in Eastern Transbaikalia in the places of residence of the Mongolian Sartul clan and the Gantimur estate of Knyaze -Urulgi (former Dagur Gan-Tumur). It was no coincidence that the generic name Khachin of the Altai Turks appeared in Transbaikalia. The Oirats and Western Mongols had possessions in Altai in the 15th-16th-18th centuries. and there was an intensive process of mixing Mongolian tribes with Turkic tribes. Hence, it is quite possible that among the Western Mongolian clans there could also be the Khachin clan, as a result of the mutual penetration of them to the Western Mongols and from there in the process of migration to the Buryats of Transbaikalia. It must be stated that shamanism and Buddhism, as a religious factor in the ethnic consolidation of the Mongols, Buryats and Turks (Uryankhan, Ulyat, Sartul, Uzon, Duligat, Uryankhan-Tugchnn, Kachin, etc.) on the land of the Buryats played a positive role. Subethnonnm onkhoty (singular onkhoon) is a once common tribal name for the Mongols. Nowadays it is found as part of the Khorin, Tunkn, Okinskkh and other groups of Buryats, Mongols of Mongolia and Onon Hammpgap. B.Ya.Vladnmirtsov wrote: Op^chpugk! > Onn "uud is a Mongolian tribe that has survived to this day, forming one of the aimags of Southern Mongolia... We find some O^tuiyos living along the Onoiu River at the beginning of the 17th century. Apparently part of Ongniyud remained on their ancestral lands and became part of the generations that formed the large Khalkhas tribe. Ongniy-ud (suff. plural) this title was usually borne by the descendants of Genghis Khan's brothers,... The transfer of a feudal title to the area of ethnic names is a common phenomenon among the Mongols. For example: ordus "the name of the southern Mongod tribe, divided into 8 otoy...< ordu "ставка, юрта знатного лица"... Sibayucin "название монгольского поколения,... < sibayun "птица" + суф. ein "сокольник" и т.д. Нет, конечно, никаких оснований отожествлять OngniyudoB с древнемонгольским племенем ongyud быть может тюркского происхождения,... (Б.Я.Владимирцов. Монгольское ongniyud феодальный термин и племенное название. Доклады АН СССР, . 1930,с.220). In the image of the creation of the Mongolian ethnological name ordos from ordon, shubuuchin from shubuu + chin, etc. The Oion Khamnigans have ethnonyms formed in the distant past, for example. makeerchin mong. mekeer "buckwheat-bullet" + chip = gatherers of buckwheat root = turtle dove (for food consumption)), bagshinar (Mongolian bagshi "teacher" + nar = bagshshgar "teacher"). The latter is the nickname of the leader Sereshch, who went to Tibet under the first Jebzun Dambi Kutukhta and helped to rewrite “Ganjur” in gold, for which he received the title of bagshi and the right to have the generic name bagshinar and other gifts. The ethnonym Bichnkantan (Mong, Bichikan “small + tan = bnchikantan” aimak or group of Bichikan, who was one of the leaders of the gang of thieves) is formed on behalf of the leader. The ethnonyms Khatakin, Gorlut (Gorlos), Uldegen (among Kalmyks Uldyuchin, Uldechgsher), Modorgon are Mongolian and their etymology has not yet been clarified. In addition, over the past two hundred years, the Onon Khamnigans have acquired three ethnonyms of Evenki (Tungus) - putsagat, luniker, chimchigin, from the wandering Tungus who joined them from the spurs of Mount Sokhondo and the upper reaches of the Ingoda River, Chikoy, Chita region. Representatives of the Tungus clans long ago assimilated among the Onon Khamnigans and left two dozen Tungus words in the vocabulary of the Khamnigans of the Kyrin local group, for example: Nandiig, Nandikaan, Tereldzhi, Evenk, Nandikan “rhododendron”, Buruun (Khandagai), Irgntsaan “year-old elk”, Evenk, Irgichaan "Wapit", Dunen Buga, rarely Mutuu, Evenk, Moty "elk", Khandagai, anam, Evenk, anam "elk before mating"; eme khandagai, enem, Evenk, eyum "female moose"; urulg, hamn. irg ana, Evenk, irgapa, nrposta “gadfly, horsefly”; gishuusu, rapa, Evenk, rapa "bough, Vepsa"; Gulugu-Gelage, rarely Kachikaan, Negnd., Evenk, Kachikan “tsenok”; urulg. hamn. taago, alag tuu, sol. taaga "daw"; kuuge, nirai, nnlkha, rarely ugee, evenk, utze “child”; utugu, apaa, rarely mupuu, evenk, mugtuu "vulva", etc. An analysis of the ethnological vocabulary of the Ononstsih Khamnigan dialect shows that their ethnic community was formed from different ethnic groups and cultures of the Mongolian, Turkic and Tungus-Manchu peoples. Over time, such a motley association of tribes became increasingly closer and eventually a type of stable ethnic and social grouping of people was created under the self-name - Onon Khamnigans. It must be admitted that they adopted the self-name, as we assume, from the main bearer of this ethnic group, the Khitan tribe Khamnigan. Subsequently, the religious factor (shamanism, Buddhism) played a decisive role in the ethnic consolidation of all the Turks and Evenks (Tungus) who joined the Khamnigans. And also at the basis of the development of their material and spiritual culture, which are in organic unity, lies the development of material production of agricultural products, for example, the breeding of five types of livestock (taban khushuu malaa uskeku), the production of dairy products (suugver tsagaan idee beldeku), etc.; horse racing and archery (eryn gurban naadan: mori urildahu, sur harbahu, bvkv -buku barildahu), etc. Nowadays, when the word Khamnigan is mentioned, Mongols and Buryats most often immediately associate it with the ethnonym Tungus (Evenk). However, the Onon Khamnigans do not know the Evenki language and the Evenki way of life /except for about twenty Evenki borrowings and the sin of their generic names in the Kyrin microregion/. Unfortunately, the incorrect tradition of calling these indigenous inhabitants of Eastern Transbaikalia Tungus /Evenks/ continues to exist. Researchers of the language and folklore of the peoples of the North consider the problems of "Khamnigan" from the point of view of modern * For more details on eyu, see the work: Damdinov D.G. Juno hashshgad // Baigal, 2, 1992.P.114-120, Baigal, 3, 1992.P. 79-84; Baigal, 4,1992.0.147-152 condition. And the results of studying the materials on them led them to the conclusion that the Khamnigan language belongs to the Mongolian language. In this regard, they are forced to admit their Mongolian origin: “These are people who speak a peculiar archaic Mongolian language, which cannot in any way be considered a dialect of the Buryat or Khalkha languages” LOLhunen. On the role of the Russian language in the history of Hamnigan // Abstracts of reports of the All-Union scientific and practical conference "Russian language and languages of the peoples of the Far North". Leningrad, 1991x, - 93/. A.S. Reshetrv considers the problem of hamnigan in approximately the same way / Theses. reports of the XXIX session of the permanent atlaistic conference/Piac/Tashkent. 1981.P.-59-61/. In Buryat literature, the Onon Khamnigans were usually called Evenks /Tungus/. Thus, in a work devoted to Buryat dialects and dialects, D.A. Alekseev writes: “... in Are there are many Evenks, now Buryatized, who have partially preserved their language, + who may have had some influence on the language of the Agins.” However, a closer acquaintance with the history and language of the Onon Khamnigans shows that genetically they are mostly Mongols. For example, naturalist, academician. P.S. Pallas, traveling around Russia, was present at the round-up hunt only among the Onon Khamnigans (on the Onon River) and called them Mungals (Mongols) back in the second half of the 18th century. The population census materials of 1899 indicated that the residents of the Ongotson and Kuzhertaevsk administrations of the Urulga Steppe Duma spoke the Mongolian language 3540 people, Buryat - 426 people, Tungusic language - people. In the early 1950s, some Mongolian scholars (G.D. Sanzheev, D.A. Alekseev) began to argue that the Buryat language has 12 or 11 dialects, but among them there was no place for the Khamnigak dialect. It should be noted that Buryat scholars, due to their complete lack of knowledge, did not recognize the Khamnigan language as an independent dialect of the Buryat language until the researchers of the language department of the BKNII SB USSR Academy of Sciences, under the leadership of Ts.B. Tsydendambaev, went on an expedition to study the colloquial speech of Onon hamnigan in their places of residence along the river basin Alekseev D.A. Dialects of the Buryat-Mongolian language. Scientists notes of Leningrad State University, 1, 1949. P. 199. Patkanov S.K. Experience in geography and statistics of the Tungus tribes of Siberia. 4.1.issue 2, St. Petersburg. pp. 138, 139, 185. Onon. In the work “On dialectal differences in the spoken Buryat language” (i960) P-117) T.B. Tsydendambaev divides the language of modern Buryats living in Eastern Siberia into 4 territorial dialects, but does not say a word about language of the Onon Khamnigans. When in 1967 I defended my Ph.D. dissertation “The dialect of the Chita Khamnigans in the light of comparative historical Mongol studies” and the work “Ethnolinguistic sketch of the Khamnigan dialect” was published in 1968 (Research of Buryat dialects, issue N, Ulan-Ude, 1968 74-116) and my numerous articles about the origin and language of the Onon Khamnigans appeared, only then were researchers forced to agree with the arguments about the need to separate the Khamnigan language into an independent dialect division. Thus, Ts.B. Tsydendambaev noted that “until the beginning of the 60s, the dialect of the so-called Khamnigans, that is, Onon Buryats, whose language turned out to be different from the language of the neighboring Aginek Buryats and relatively close to the language Selenga Buryats... There is reason to believe that in the North Buryat (or West Buryat) dialect there are 7 dialects... in the East Buryat (or Khoriburyat) dialect there are 4 dialects... in the South Buryat (or Selenga-Onon) - 3 dialects: Sartul , Tsongolyek and Khgmnigan." Ts.B. Tsydendambaev’s statement about three dialects of the Buryat language is also confirmed by Ts.B. Budaev (Vocabulary of Buryat dialects. Novosibirsk, 1978). In connection with the establishment of three dialects of Buryat language A.A. Darbeeva, who also visited the Onon Khamnigans, writes: “The Khamnigans of Tungus origin underwent double assimilation, who first assimilated into the Mongolian environment, and then, finding themselves in adjacent territory with the Buryats, again underwent ethnic linguistic assimilation: the Khamnigans living on the territory of Mongolia call themselves Mongols , and the Khamnigans of the Agin Buryat National District of the Chita Region consider themselves Buryats." In this case, we cannot agree with the so-called “first assimilation” of the author. Further, however, the author rightly notes: “Tsongolyeky, Sartul, Khimnshansklsh and Nizhneudinsky dialects and dialects of the Buryat language differ from other territorial divisions of the Buryat language and its literary form is primarily due to the preservation of the inventory of phonemes of the original language. Consequently, the phonetic differences between dialects, I alects 4 of the Buryat language are based on reasons of an ethnogenetic order." Nevertheless, in comparison with the listed dialects, the Khamnigan dialect is more archaic and this is not due to the same reasons as a result of which Lower Udinsk and other dialects appeared. Combining the Tsongolic, Sartul and Khamnigan dialects into one South Buryat dialect, Buryat scholars proceeded from the purely external proximity of the Khamnigan language “to the language of the Selenga Buryats” /Ts.B.Tsydendambaev/. In fact, the Selenga and Onon Buryats are completely different ethnic groups or ethnolinguistic groups of Mongols: the Selenga Sartuls and Tsongols are immigrants from Mongolia in the 18th century, and the Onon Khamnigans are the indigenous inhabitants of the Onon River basin and for the most part, according to our assumption, they live here since the time of Khitan rule, which is confirmed by their self-awareness and the archaic Mongolian language, which has preserved some pre-literate features, as well as its proximity to the Dagur language, whose speakers some researchers consider the descendants of part of the Khitan. Therefore, the language of the Selenga Sartuls and Tsongols is close to the Khalkha-Mongolian language. The only things they have in common with our dialect are the affricates /j, dz, ts, ch/, sakanie /s instead of Buryat b/ and some morphological and lexical features that are preserved in the speech of both. Thus, the language of the Onon Khamnigans with its archaic features deserves recognition of its status as an independent dialect of the Buryat language. CONCLUSION The Onon Khamnigans are the indigenous inhabitants of the Onon River basin of Eastern Transbaikalia, whose ancestors, in all likelihood, lived there before the formation of the state of Genghis Khan in the 12th century. Among the Uligers they call themselves Forest Mongols. Now they represent an ethnographic group within the Buryats and call themselves Khamnigans. Khamnigan-Buryats and Buryats. The ethnic composition of the Onon Khamnigans was finally formed more than 200-100 years ago with the accession to them and the subsequent Darbeeva A.A. Russian-Mongolian language contacts in bilingual conditions. M., 1984. - P. 12,13. assimilation of representatives of three Evenki clans (Putsagad, Luniker, Chimchigin) from the upper reaches of the Ingoda and Chnka rivers among the Kyrin local group of Onon Khamnigans. Taking into account the work of dialectologists-researchers and our own material, we have established a list of ethnonyms of the Onon Khamshyan: sartul // saradul, uriankhan, khachin, uzon, uriankhan - tugchin, gunui, mekerchin, khatakin, gorlut, dagankhan, modorgon, bagshinar, u-VD ^en, bichikantan, putsagat, luniker, duligad, chimchigin and chimchigid. The generic names of the Onon Khamnigans and their self-name - Khamnigans - have been preserved, as it seems to us, from the Khitan time. As is known, at the same time the Khorin ethnic group and its language. But this version of the Khitan origin of Khamnigan requires further study. The fact is that very few monuments remain from the Khitan language. But still, Mongolian scholars admit that of the modern Mongolian languages, the current Dagur language is very similar to Khitan. And Onon-Khamnigan dialect has much in common with this language. Therefore, it is quite logical to conclude that the Dagur and Onon Khamnigans once experienced a common fate. In any case, the Khamnigans have a history different from the history of modern Sartuls and Tsongols. And combining them from the historical and linguistic point of view is not justified. Therefore, the language of the Onon Khamnigans should be considered an independent dialect of the Buryat language. Many Mongol scholars consider the Khamnigans to be Tungus /Evenks/ in origin. In our opinion, this is a mistake. The fact is that the Tungus began to be called Khamnigans by Mongol-speaking peoples quite recently. The first Russian explorers and subsequently Russian settlers did not mention a people with this name in their official reports. They talked about the Tungus /Evenks/, brotherly people /Buryats/, Mongols /Mungals/, etc. The Tungus / Evenki / themselves never called themselves Khamnigans, since they simply do not know such a word. It is not even in the dictionary of the Tungusic / Evenki / language. Unless it is included in the latest editions, and without going into its origins. The Onon Khamnigans began to be called Tungus after they were included in the administrative management of the Urulin Steppe Duma, although they had nothing in common except /adjacent/ territory. The Tungus were wandering hunters tribes with the self-name Orochon and Oroton (rarely Murchin) professed shamanism, while the foreigners of the Ongotson, Kuzhertaevskaya and some of the foreigners of the Mankovskaya, Shunduinskaya, Urulginskaya administrations were engaged in cattle breeding, professed Lamaism and spoke Mongolian. Our study of the language and history of the Onon Khamnigans shows that genetically they are mostly Mongols, but both Turks and Tungus-Manchu clans took part in the formation of the Khamnigan ethnic group. It should be emphasized that among the Onon Khamnigans traces of only a few Evenki clans are now found, which have by now been completely assimilated among the Mongol-speaking population. The language of the Onon Khamnigans in its general type coincides rather with the Oirat-Mongolian and partly with the Khalkha dialect. It contains only a few Tungus words; no phonetic or grammatical features that could be explained by the influence of the Tungus-Manchu languages were found in the Onon Khamnigan dialect. There was also not a single person who at least to some extent knew the Evenki or Tungus language. The spiritual culture of the Onon Khamnigans is rich in its content, which is reflected, in particular, in the vocabulary of the dialect. Recently, researchers have established the opinion of the Onon Khamnigan language as an independent dialect of the Buryat language. Meanwhile, since the speakers of this dialect are essentially direct descendants of the ancient Mongols, their language reveals a lot of archaic features that reflect the medieval stage of the Mongolian language. There are not many such archaic Mongolian languages. The Khamnigan language can be classified as one of those living Mongolian dialects, which, as G.D. Sanzheev writes, “in some respects turn out to be older than the written language.” Moreover, it seems to us that the dialect of the Onon Khamnigans has such unique features that it can even have the status of an independent dialect of the Buryat language. It is no coincidence that A.M. Pozdneev singled them out among the three tribal groups of Buryats, whose languages in our time have the status of independent dialects /Western Buryat and Khorin/. Living in the Onon River basin for several centuries with constant contact with the Agin Buryats in the adjacent territory, the Onon Hamnngans gradually became close to them, and there were frequent cases of family and marital relations. With active contact, the social mobility of Hamnigans increased. To some extent, they adopted the Buryat culture, customs, and traditions; they began to call themselves Khamnigan Buryats, or Buryats. The result of this influence is the fact that young people from the Khamnigans of the Agin Autonomous Okrug can speak without an accent with the Agiya Buryats, and among their own - in the Khamnigan dialect. The turning point in the general process of modern ethnic development of the indigenous population of the Onon River basin - Khamnigan - was the Soviet period, which determined the ethnic rapprochement of the Buryat and Russian peoples as the main direction. This direction is not considered the only possible one. Now they are talking more about the revival of traditional material and spiritual culture, cultural and linguistic rapprochement with other Mongolian peoples. Currently, a significant part of the hamnigans of the Onon river are bilingual and multilingual. With the unification of multilingual populations in one household, settlement in settlements in the Priononye regions and the expansion of spheres of interaction, the need for a language of interethnic communication increased. Russian became such a language. The native Buryat-Mongolian language remains in communication, although its scope has somewhat narrowed, but nevertheless it is actively used in everyday speech. Among the Khamnigans of the Khorinsky and Akshinsky districts of the Chita region, school education was completely translated into Russian in the 60-80s. The principle of voluntary study according to Buryat or Russian programs is violated here. Now it is necessary to correct the mistake of previous years, which infringes on the native language of the indigenous people of the region. Modern life of the Khamnigans is characterized by the intensive spread of new social forms of material culture. The traditional housing of Mongol-speaking people is completely disappearing. norodov - a felt yurt with all the attributes; There was now no camping furniture for nomadic life, no wooden utensils, national clothing had changed, and the sanitary condition of dwellings had improved incomparably. Now the Khamnigans live in houses built according to a standard design in modern villages, not in general. different from Russian dwellings. Everywhere in the houses modern furniture, TV, radio, kitchen utensils, and fashionable clothes appeared. Bicycles, motorcycles, cars are common transport for individual use. A modern way of life has been established everywhere. The sphere of manifestation of the traditional cultural and everyday way of life remains, to some extent, national clothing, jewelry items, saddle decorations, some kitchen items, and national ornaments on household items, which are now being revived. , The modern national culture of the Onon Khamnigans is an example of interaction and mutual influence of cultures, characteristic of the processes of ethnic development in our time. These processes are determined both by the historical ties between the Khamnigans and the Russian population, and by the period of social reconstruction, when, on the basis of legal, economic and cultural equality, the spheres of interethnic ties intensified and expanded. The scientific report and our published works summarize our activities over approximately a quarter of a century. For the first time, an attempt has been made to illuminate the whole range of issues “related to this largely mysterious and unique ethnic community: entogenesis, history of formation, tribal composition of the Onans, their economic way of life, material culture), family relations, spiritual culture and language. In our work it is unlikely that we were able to fully consider all the issues in detail. But we hope that our modest work will be for subsequent generations a kind of springboard and basis for further study of the Khamnigan ethnic group in all intended and unintended directions and aspects. I would like to emphasize two points. Firstly, as a result of a large historical review and the use of diverse material, we still, hopefully, managed to convince1 the reader that the main component of the Khamnigan ethnic group is represented by the Mongols. But these are not Khalkhas, but, in all likelihood, descendants of parts of the Khitans, who at one time settled in a single region covering the Snon River basin and Dauria, as well as Oirat settlers. This hypothesis allows us to explain the fact that the Khamnigan language is not Khalkha, retains many archaic features of the Middle Mongolian period and at the same time is connected in many ways with the language of the Daurs (part of the Khitans). It was the Khitan-Mongod and Turkic origin that prompted Ononians lived more or less separately for centuries and retained archaic features in their language. Secondly, much of the Hamnigan's past life is a thing of the past. We somehow got used to thinking that our ancestors vegetated in hopeless darkness and need. There are no words, the horizons of our ancestors were narrow, their interests were limited. But it is wrong to think that everything was bad in that past life. Our description shows that over the course of centuries and millennia, our ancestors adapted quite well to the harsh reality around them, lived in great harmony with nature and led a healthy lifestyle. They were morally healthy, physically tough, and possessed many useful skills and abilities for life. It is our deep conviction that their experience should not be lost and should be used in the interests of new generations. At present, when there is a revival of keen interest in traditions and customs, cultural heritage, we hope that our work will be useful. In this case, we would consider our task completed. 1. Ethno-linguistic sketch of the Khamnigan dialect II Study of Buryat dialects.N. Ulan-Ude, 1968. P.74-116 2. About the language of the Onon Khamnigan (in connection with the works of K.U. Kohalmi and A. Mishiga on the Mongolian language (Khamnigan) (co-authored by L.D. Shagdarov) // On foreign Mongolian studies on the language. Ulan-Ude, 1968. P.38-53. 3. Shetyn regionin hamshtgad ba tedeney nyutag helen //journal Baigal, 3 1968. P.145-148. 4. Western Mongolian features in the dialect of the Onon Khamnigans II Problems of Altaic and Mongolian studies. Vol. 2, linguistics series. (Materials of the All-Union Conference. 1975, p. 1719.). Moscow, 1975. pp. 150-161. 5. About the “horse Tungus” of Eastern Transbaikalia (Dauria) // Abstracts of the All-Union Conference on the Problems of the Entogenesis of the Peoples of Siberia and the Far East, Novosibirsk, 1973. pp. 138-139. 6. On agricultural terms of Mongolian languages // Studies in Eastern Philology. M., 1974. P.151-156. 7." Zakamensky (Armak) Khamnigans. Ethnographic collection, 26, Ulan-Ude, 1975. P.50-56 8. On the toponymy of the Olon River basin // Proceedings of BION. vol. 26 Onomastics of Buryatia, Ulan-Ude, 1976. pp. 178-201. 9. About the generic name Tugchin // Research on the history and philology of Mongolia. Ulan-Ude, 1977, pp. 76-80. 10. About the language of the Zakamensky (Armak) Khamnigans // Study of Buryat and Russian dialects. Ulan-Ude. 1977. P.40-46.. 11. On reverse borrowings in the Buryat language // Mutual influence of languages in Buryatia. Ulan-Udz, 1978. P.63-69 12. About the epic works of the Onon Khamnigans // Dzhangar and problems of the epic creativity of the Mongolian peoples. M., 1980. P.151-156 13. On the names of fish in Mongolian languages And Research ", on the vocabulary of the Kalmyk language. Kalmyk Research Institute IFE. Elista, 1981. pp. 102-106. 14. About Buryat metrological names // Ethnography and folklore of the Mongolian peoples. Elista, 1981. pp. 196-203 15. Ulngery ononskmkh hamshp-an, Novosibirsk, 1982. P. 1 -273 16. About Galdanov Bazaar // Manyelte Mergen (in the preface) Ulan-Ude, 1984. P.8-10 17. Past and present Khamnigan of Eastern Transbaikalia // Problems of the history of Tuva. Kyzyl, 1984. P.223-232. 18. About the folk calendar of the Mongolian peoples // Culture of Mongolia in the Middle Ages and modern times (XIX-early XX century) Ulan-Ude, 1986. P39-50. 19. Zaakhaminai hamnigad tuhai // journal Baigal, 2, Ulan-Uda, 1988. pp. 123-125. 20. On the archaic features of the dialect of the Onon Khamnigans, // Development and interaction of dialects of the Baikal region. Ulan-Ude, 1988. P.69-79. 21. About the plant food of the Mongolian peoples // Tsybikov readings - 5. Abstracts of reports and messages. Ulan-Ude, 1989. P.43-45. . 22. Ononoy hamnigad tuhai//zhur. Baigal, 2 (p.114-119), 3 (p.79-83), 4 (p.147-151), Ulan-Ude, 1992. 23. Onon hamnigans (issues of spiritual culture). Ulan-Ude, 1993. P.1-145. 24. Onon Khamnigans (historical and ethnographic sketch). Ulan-Ude, 1993. P. 1-57.. 25. Materials of Ts.Zh.Zhamtsarano about the datsans of the Onon Khamnigans N National intelligentsia and clergy: History and modernity (abstracts and materials of reports of the republican scientific and practical conference). Ulan-Ude, 1994.P.97-99. " 1 " Tungus of the Urulga council. 90s of the XIX century. Eastern Transbaikalia Here in the magazine I often mention the Tungus or Khamnigan, but not everyone knows who the Khamnigan are, the old Russian name is horse Tungus, and in the scientific literature Nerchinsk Tungus. Therefore, to bring at least some clarity, I will give the introductory part of the article by Doctor of Philology I.A. Gruntov "Khamnigan language", full article onMonumenta Altaica. "
The Hamnigan language belongs to the northern. subgroup of Mongolian languages. Khamnigans live in compact groups along the Onon River in the Kyrinsky, Akshinsky, Karymsky, Shilkinsky, Ononsky districts of the Chita region. and in the Aginsky, Duldurginsky and Mogoituysky districts of the Aginsky Buryat Autonomous Okrug (2 thousand people), in the Khentei and Eastern aimags of the Republic of Mongolia (15 thousand people) and in the Hulun-Buir aimag of the Autonomous Region of Inner Mongolia (PRC) ( about 1500 people). The ethnogenesis of the Hamnigans is complex. Main clan composition of Mongolian origin: Khatagins, Gorluts, Uzons, Guneis, Mekerchins, Dagankhans, Modorgons, Bakshinars, Bakhashils, Uldegens, Chimchigits, Bichikantans, however, there are also genera of Turkic and Tungusic origin: Sartauls, Saraduls, Uriankhins, Ulyats, Khachins, Uriankhai-Tugchins, Duligats, Chimchigins, Lunikers, Putsagat. Hamnigans living in China and Mongolia are mostly bilingual, speaking in addition to H.Y. a special Khamnigan dialect of the Evenki language. Khamnigans living in Russia, in addition to their native language, also speak Russian. Many Khamnigans of Mongolia speak Lit in addition to their native language. Mongolian language (Khalkha). In Inner Mongolia (formerly the territory of Manchuria) there are national schools in which teaching is conducted in Kh.Ya., while 80% of schoolchildren are fluent in the Khamnigan dialect of Evenki. Literary written Mongolian is used as the written language for teaching. From the third grade, the study of the Chinese language is mandatory. The Khamnigans are presumably descendants of the Tungus-speaking people who moved from Northern Transbaikalia to the valleys of the river. Selenga and Onon, where they were strongly influenced by the Mongol-speaking population. Manchurian Hamnigans emigrated from Russia to China in the years following the 1917 Revolution. Until the mid-20th century, H.Ya. was considered as a dialect of the Buryat language. D.G. Damdinov in a number of works postulated the status of H.I. as one of the dialects of the Buryat language, which has significant archaisms in phonetics, morphology, grammar and vocabulary. The appearance of works by Y. Yankhunen, L. Mishiga, B. Rinchen made it possible to talk about H.Ya. as a completely independent and very archaic northern Mongolian language. Dialects of H.Ya. have not been sufficiently researched. Scientists distinguish the Manchu Khamnigan dialect, which has a number of isoglosses that bring it closer to the Buryat language, and the Onon Khamnigan dialect, which has a number of isoglosses that bring it closer to the Khalkha. The Khamnigans of Mongolia have dialects of both dialects. Studied by H.Ya. few. The available publications are very incomplete." A native of Aga, Petr Badmaev, a doctor of Tibetan medicine, was the first to translate the treatise “Chzhud-Shi” into Russian; godson of Emperor Alexander III; treated members of the family of Nicholas II and Grigory Rasputin. In the photo, the second one in the top row with his students There is confusion regarding the definition of Agin Buryats. This was the name given to the Khori-Buryats of the former Agin Steppe Duma before the formation of the Buryat-Mongol Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. During the years of the unified republic, both the Khori and the Onon Khamnigans of the former Urulga Steppe Duma were united in the Aginsky and Ulan-Onon aimaks. After the division of the republic in 1937, the eastern territories were torn off and, in turn, divided into four parts. One of them formed the Aginsky Buryat Autonomous Okrug. The rest became part of the Chita region as districts. Since then, the Buryats living in the area began to be called “Aginsky”. But for the residents of the republic, the concept of “Aginskie” continued to extend to Buryats living outside the district in the Chita region. And for the “Aginskys” themselves, they gradually turned into “Chita” ones. At the same time, according to history, some of the “Chita” people were never part of either the Aginsky Duma (they were part of the Khorinsky Duma) or the Aginsky District. From the very beginning of Buryatia's entry into Russia and until the completion of this process, the Khori had ethnic and dialectal unity. When the steppe dumas were formed, most of them united into the Khorin Duma. At the beginning of the 19th century, the Russian authorities persuaded the Khorin noyons to cede to them lands along the Ingoda River and tributaries where Chita stands. This led to the formation of a gap within the territory of the Khorinsk Steppe Duma. In return, the tsarist government promised the Khori “for everlasting possession” the land of the present Aga. For some time, the Agin people still remained subordinate to the Khorin taishas, who managed, not without pressure, to spread Buddhism among them. However, the territorial break led to the administrative separation of South Khori (Urda Khori). In 1839, the southern group of Khori formed the Aginsk Steppe Duma. Although the migration of Buryats from Aga to Khori and back continued for more than half a century, the formation of the Agin identity began with the formation of the new Duma. The administrative branch of Aga did not lead to a complete separation from the Khorin cultural and political space, largely due to the legacy of the decree of Peter I and subsequent acts on land. The ancestors of the Agin Khori participated in the negotiation process with the Russian autocrat as part of the general Khori delegation. Therefore, the key issue for the Buryats about land served as a unifying factor in socio-political thought. Interesting fact. Unlike the territories of other steppe dumas, the lands that fell under the decree of Peter I were not considered the property of the Russian government, which were only allowed to be used by the rest of the Buryats. The Hori owned a huge territory. This allowed the Buryats of the Khorin and Agin steppe dumas to prosper economically. Cattle breeding in these places was on such a scale that local rich people counted herds alone in thousands of heads. Such a strong economic situation made it possible to invest in culture and education. Huge monastery complexes served as cultural and educational centers in these thoughts. In fact, they performed the function of urbanization among the Buryats. In addition, in Khori and Aga, secular schools were established using public funds and talented youth were sent to study. All this was especially clearly manifested in the Aginsk Steppe Duma, the level of literacy in which overtook this indicator among the local Russian population and even statistically improved the all-Siberian one. Representatives of Agin youth who received education at public expense were Bazaar Baradin and Tsyben Zhamtsarano. Both are bright leaders of the Buryat national movement. Both at different times served as chairman of the Central National Committee (CNC) of the Buryat-Mongols. Zhamtsarano played a special role in the history of the Buryat people. He is the first Buryat doctor of science, and he was destined to become a link between the eastern and western Buryats. Tsyben Zhamtsarano is one of the largest figures in the liberation movement of the Mongolian peoples of the first third of the 20th century, an ideologist of the pan-Mongolian (all-Mongolian) revival Zhamtsarano spent the first years of the 20th century traveling around the Irkutsk province to record folklore and ethnographic materials for the Academy of Sciences. There he recorded and preserved dozens of examples of epic poetry for culture, including a unique version of the Geseriad by Manshud Emegeyev. Zhamtsarano visited almost all the main centers of settlement of Western Buryats from Alari to Olkhon. In addition to scientific activities, he conducted social and political work there. The main thing that Zhamtsarano managed to do on these trips was to found the primary organizations of the Buryat national movement. On the basis of these cells, he created the movement “Buryad by Zone Tug” - “Banner of the Buryat People”. This was the first organization in Buryat history to unite the two main branches of the nation. In his social activities, young Tsyben Zhamtsarano had heated discussions with Mikhail Bogdanov. He believed that the Buryats had overslept their time and from now on the key to their development was familiarization with European culture through Russification. Subsequently, these two prominent political leaders were able to find a common language, became friends and became comrades. Their figures became symbols of the unity of the eastern and western branches of the Buryat people. As a result of their joint activities, the first national congress in history took place in April 1917, proclaiming a unified Buryat autonomy. For many years of Soviet power in Aga, the name of Tsyben Zhamtsarano was hushed up, because he was labeled as a “bourgeois nationalist.” Zhamtsarano was also associated with the Central Scientific Committee and the period of Semenov’s power. Even today in Aga, only the intelligentsia knows about Zhamtsarano’s contribution to the general Buryat cause, while the masses know him only as a scientist. Meanwhile, this is one of the “founding fathers” of not only the Buryat autonomy, but also the independent statehood of Mongolia. In 1937, he was accused as the leader of the “counter-revolutionary pan-Mongolian center” in the USSR and died in a prison in the city of Orel in 1942. Rehabilitated posthumously. But in those same years, Agin residents openly promoted the name of Gombozhap Tsybikov as a prominent native of this land, the first Buryat professor and researcher of Central Asia. The irony is that it was Tsybikov who was the link from the “pro-Semyonov” People’s Duma of Buryat-Mongolia (formerly the Central People’s Commissariat) to Soviet autonomy. Gombozhab Tsybikov - traveler-researcher, ethnographer, orientalist, Buddhist scholar, statesman and educational figure of the Russian Empire, Far Eastern Republic, USSR and Mongolia, translator, professor at a number of universities Tsybikov took part in the work of the bodies of the first autonomy since 1917. For some time he even served as taisha (commissar) of the Aginsky aimag. However, in February 1818, power in Chita passed to the Bolsheviks. And in the spring, the Central Scientific Research Center, located in Chita, was forced to cooperate with them. In the same spring, Gombozhap Tsybikov and a number of other Buryat figures left the CNC. This is not a random move. Before the revolution, Tsybikov was close to the center-right Cadet Party. Representatives of leftist movements were ready to cooperate with the Bolsheviks. In particular, Socialist Revolutionaries such as Elbek-Dorji Rinchino and Tsyben Zhamtsarano. With the establishment of Semenov’s power, Tsybikov temporarily returned to work in the authorities of Buryat-Mongolia. At this time, following the general policy of the autonomy, he helps strengthen its defense capability. In the Aginsky Khoshun, he participates in organizing conscription into the “Sagda” (armed forces of the autonomy) and gives orders to boycott the order of the Semyonovsky commissar to surrender weapons. At the end of February 1919, Tsybikov resigned under the pretext of illness. In the last period of the existence of the People's Duma, it was headed by another prominent representative, Aga Dashi Sampilon. In 1920, the advancing Bolsheviks were able to occupy the western coast of Lake Baikal, from where they launched attacks on the Russian eastern outskirts. This state entity, created by Grigory Semenov on the basis of Kolchak’s last decree, included the eastern part of the Buryat autonomy. Gradually, under the blows of the Red Army and the Amur-Nerchinsk partisans, the territory of the Russian Military District was reduced to the central and southern parts of the modern Trans-Baikal Territory with its capital in Chita. It was during this period that Gombozhap Tsybikov returned to the People's Duma. By that time, in April 1920, the Far Eastern Republic had already been proclaimed in Verkhneudinsk. But Buryat autonomy in the territory occupied by the Bolsheviks was not officially recognized. At the same time, pogroms of Buryat settlements were raging there. The militants of Kalandarishvili and other red field commanders looted the uluses, raped and robbed. For the leaders of the People's Duma of Buryat-Mongolia, this served as a significant reason to try to delay the arrival of anarchy until the last possible opportunity. Tsybikov worked as part of the leadership of the Buryat autonomy until his last day. With the retreat of Semyonov's units from Chita, he did not evacuate to Manchuria. He met representatives of the Far Eastern Republic and handed over the affairs of the People's Duma to them. Soon he and Bazar Baradin were elected to the Narrevkom of the Buryat-Mongols of the Far East. Subsequently, he was elected as a deputy of the Constituent Assembly of the Far Eastern Republic. On April 27, 1922, this body proclaimed the Buryat-Mongolian Autonomous Region. Thus, it fell to Gombozhap Tsybikov to ensure the continuity of Soviet autonomy from Buryat-Mongolia, formed in April 1917. Towards the end of his life, Gombozhap Tsybikov retired from political activities and was engaged in his own cattle breeding. Bazaar Baradiyn, Matvey Amagaev, Gombozhab Tsybikov and others In the 1920s, the Agin Buryats more keenly perceived the policies of the then leadership of the BMASSR. The practice of appointing Irkutsk Buryats to aimaks and throughout the republic as a whole was not met with enthusiasm, but in Aga this caused serious discontent. Erbanov and his clan, who sought to subjugate all power in the republic, were remembered by the Agin residents as the cunning “alair” (Alarians). This nickname in Aga was gradually transferred to all Irkutsk Buryats. In those years, anti-religious policies were carried out, dispossession was carried out, and new taxes were introduced, which did not exist in the neighboring Transbaikal province (later referred to as the Far Eastern Territory). All this caused attempts by the Agin Buryats to separate from the BMASSR and enter the Transbaikal province. This movement was suppressed by force, and the leaders were condemned. But the sediment, as they say, remained for a long time. The flight of the Agin Buryats abroad continued throughout the 20s and did not stop until 1932. In 1917 - 1922, a wave of pogroms and land seizures swept through the eastern Buryat regions. Because of this, a huge number of Buryats were forced to flee to Mongolia and China. After the civil war, especially many soldiers of the Buryat armed forces who fought against the Reds left. In Inner Mongolia of China, two Buryat communities were formed, in which Agin Buryats predominated - Shenehen and Shilingol. There their experience was used by the Japanese and Chinese. From the Shenekhen community came Urzhin Garmaev, who at one time graduated from the Semenov school of ensigns and served in the military department of the People's Duma of Buryat Mongolia. In the army of the state of Manchukuo, Garmaev made a military career, rising to the rank of lieutenant general. Thus, he became the first Buryat to receive the rank of general in the modern army. The leader in the Shilingol community was Rinchin-Dorji Ochirov (who fled the USSR in 1927), who organized the Buryat militia during the civil war in China. The Kuomintang government awarded him the rank of major general in 1947. The territory of Rinchin Noyon was one of the main centers of anti-communist resistance in the region. After the defeat of the Kuomintang, the Communists deported the Buryats from Shilin-gol to Shenehen. Some of them were able to break through to Mongolia. Since the 1990s, the Shenekhen Buryats have been gradually returning to their historical homeland. At the same time, many of them, being connected with Aga by roots, strive to settle in Ulan-Ude and the regions of Buryatia. In the republic they are often more comfortable, it is easier to establish relationships with local Buryats, and it is easier to find work. Baradiin Bazaar with friends and relatives A little-known fact is that in the early 1930s, part of the Agin Buryats were deported to Kazakhstan. At the same time, Soviet intelligence was hunting for Buryat leaders who had settled in Shenehan. Throughout the 20s and 30s, propaganda created from them the image of white emigrant enemies entrenched behind the cordon. By 1937, the Aginskaya steppe had been fairly drained of blood. In September, Aginsky and Ulan-Onon aimaks were torn away from the BMASSR. Moreover, Ulan-Ononsky and part of the territories of Aginsky aimak were transferred to the newly formed Chita region. On the remaining territory of the Aginsky aimag, the Aginsky Buryat national district was created. Aga's previous history had a tragic impact on the Buryat identity of the district's residents. If in Ust-Orda the next year after the separation from the republic, proposals were voiced to return to the BMASSR, then in Aga there were no longer forces capable of speaking out for Buryat unity. In those same years, the peculiar national policy in the USSR led to the fact that the Onon Khamnigans were recorded as Buryats, Evenks, and Russians. Meanwhile, the majority of Khamnigans are Mongols who spoke neither Buryat nor Khalkhas, but an archaic dialect of the ancient Mongolian language. In the Middle Ages, the Evenks, who mastered horse breeding, settled on the lands of what is now Transbaikalia, liberated after the departure of the Mongol tribes Khorchin and Gorlos. There, the “horse Tungus” adopted the nomadic culture and language from the Mongol-speaking Daurs, Khalkhas, Barguts, and then the Khori-Buryats. Fragments of many other Mongol tribes also constantly arrived there, including the Baunt Khori-Guchits who had long since broken away from the main group. Gradually, along Nercha and Onon, a peculiar union of tribes emerged, in which the majority were Mongol-speaking nomads. Among the Khamnigans, the Mongolian language with an Evenki layer began to predominate. The flight of the Daurs to Manchuria, the division of the Khori-Buryats into the Baikal and Onon groups, and the weakening of Khalkha led to the fact that the Khamnigan union began to dominate the entire Eastern Transbaikalia. Throughout almost the entire 17th century, these tribes were famous for their belligerence, did not pay tribute to anyone for a long time and successfully besieged Cossack forts. The Khamnigan raids on the Khalkhas forced them to clear the south of Transbaikalia. The Russians did not risk settling there either. Khamnigan warriors were characterized in expressions like “300 Tungus disperse 500 Mungals.” The Russians highly valued the fighting qualities of the “mounted Tungus”. It is no coincidence that when the Buryat Cossacks were created, the Khamnigans formed one of the first four regiments. Russia transferred power over all the Khamnigans to the Gantimurov princes, who fled from Manchuria. The ancestors of these princes, according to researchers, were Daurs. But in Russian times, the Gantimurovs ranked themselves among the Evenki clan of the Dulikagir of the Neliud tribe. Very soon the Gantimurovs began to accept and instill Orthodoxy among their subjects, which led to the beginning of the collapse of the Khamnigan community. While the Urulga Steppe Duma, which united them, existed, the unity of the Khamnigans still held, but with the liquidation of the steppe dumas at the beginning of the 20th century, the disintegration accelerated. In the first Buryat autonomy, the Khamnigans took an active part and for the most part supported the Central People's Commissariat and the People's Duma. In the civil war and after it, they suffered greatly, since many of them were members of the Cossack class and fought on the side of the whites. Speaking about the Buryat fighters of the White movement, it is impossible not to mention Dugar Taphaev - one of the most mysterious figures in the history of Buryatia. Materials about him are very scarce; his photo has not yet been found. He is a native of the village of Taptanai and graduated from a Russian school in Chita. Before the revolution he was engaged in buying and selling livestock. In May 1918, his farm, like many other Buryat uluses, was plundered. Fleeing, Taphaev fled beyond the cordon, where, presumably, he joined the special Manchu detachment of Ataman Semenov. OMO was created on the basis of another legendary military unit. The volunteer Mongol-Buryat cavalry regiment began to form in the summer of 1917 for the fronts of the First World War. By the end of autumn there were 35 Cossacks and 40 Buryats in the unit. And with this strength, Semenov decided to rebel against the Bolsheviks who had seized power. The first performance in Verkhneudinsk and the campaign against Chita did not bring victory, but demonstrated the ataman’s determination. Having joined himself with anti-Bolshevik officers and Cossacks, Semenov retreated to Manchuria. In January, the regiment already numbered 300 Buryats. Including the Barguts from Hulun Buir in Inner Mongolia, 80 Mongols of various tribes and 125 Cossacks and Russians. These forces became the basis of the OMO, the first regular military formation that opened the first anti-Bolshevik front. Presumably, recruits of the Buryat-Mongol regiment Taphaev’s military biography has so far been poorly researched. Some authors write that already in 1918 he wore the shoulder straps of a senior officer. He was later remembered by the Aginsk people as “Esaul Taphaev,” which roughly corresponds to the position of regimental commander (or deputy) assigned to him in the last months of the war. At the same time, everything that was in his biography between the ranks of constable and esaul is not yet clear. There are only folk memories that he led a certain self-defense detachment (probably this was the “Sagda” unit of the People’s Duma), based near the village of Taptanay. In Aga they sometimes say that Taphaev was the last Semyonov officer to leave Russian territory with arms in hand in the fall of 1920. Legend has it that it was to him that Semenov entrusted cover for the White Guard units retreating to China. This has not yet been reliably confirmed, and some local historians believe that the events of July 1918 are confused in the legend. Then the Mongol-Buryat regiment really played a key role in covering the retreating Semyonovites during the battles on Tavyn Tologa. After the evacuation of the whites, Taphaev emigrated first to Mongolia, then to Manchuria. He lived in Hailar and was engaged in commerce. In 1932 he was captured by security officers, taken to the USSR and in 1934 executed in an Irkutsk prison. Soviet propaganda, sparing no effort, demonized Taphaev, shyly keeping silent about what exactly forced him and hundreds of other Buryats to take up arms. After 1937, a new identity began to form in the Aginsky district. Gradually, in everyday life they stopped distinguishing which of them was a hori and who was a hamnigan. The Khamnigans themselves remember their tribal affiliation better. All residents of the district began to consider themselves primarily Aginsky. Some independence of the district and independence from the “alair” who ruled the republic began to be a source of special pride for the Agin Buryats. By the 1970s, a generation of Buryats had formed in Ulan-Ude who did not speak their native language. Modogoev's abolition of teaching in Buryat led to an aggravation of the problem even in the villages of the republic. In the Aginsky district there was no such problem at that time. The “Aginskie”, who encountered the “mute” Buryats in Ulan-Ude, Moscow and universities in other cities, experienced culture shock. From that time until almost the 2000s, in Buryat communities outside ethnic Buryatia, the “Aginskie” kept themselves somewhat apart. An exception to this trend was service in the army, where usually not only Buryats from different communities were united, but also Russians from Buryatia. In Ulan-Ude itself, people from Aga maintained compatriotic and family ties, like other Buryats. But the “Aginskys” were characterized by the preservation of the Buryat language even by the generation that was born and raised in Ulan-Ude. In large work teams in the 80s and 90s, they tried to support each other. In those years, a tendency developed among the “Aginskys” to distinguish themselves as a stronghold of national traditions. “Alayr” and even the eastern Buryats of the republic seemed Russified against this background. The nickname for the “republican” Buryats has taken root in the district - “Buryatiin”. It should be noted that, unlike the Western Buryats in Ulan-Ude, the Aginskys in the capital of the republic in the Soviet and post-perestroika years did not expressly support the idea of the return of Aga to Buryatia. In the West Buryat community in the republic, on the contrary, there have always been strong (although not advertised) sentiments to return their small homeland to the republic. Of course, in both cases there were striking exceptions. Perestroika and glasnost caused the same upsurge in Aga as in the republic. The first informal organizations appeared in the district and among people from Aga in Chita and Ulan-Ude, with the goal of reunification with the republic. Mostly they consisted of young people who had not had time to gain authority. Therefore, in general, this movement quickly died out. In addition, the counter-impulse in the republic encountered unexpectedly stubborn resistance from local elites and some public organizations. In the 1990s, everything returned to the mainstream of “Aginskys are special”, “We don’t need Buryatians”, etc. The situation began to change in the 2000s. The liquidation of the national-state autonomy of Aga, defended by the Buryats from the republic (including the “alair”), sharply shook Aga’s “separatism”. For the first time, Agin residents realized en masse that no one except the Buryats would stand up for them in difficult times. Since that time, a decline in separate identity has been observed among Agin residents. In journalism and on social networks, they increasingly began to remember that historically the Agin Buryats are a branch of the Khorin Buryats. In recent years, the overcoming of Agin’s isolation has begun to move in the direction of the general Khora cultural revival. Under the leadership of Bato Ochirov, chairman of the Agin community in Ulan-Ude, this process received practical design. According to him, everything is moving towards unification, and first the “Aginsky” and “Chita” ones must unite, and then their reintegration with the Khorinsky identity is inevitable. According to Bato Ochirov, 25 thousand Agin Buryats now live in the republic, although some of them retain their Agin registration. No one has counted the number of immigrants from other regions of the Trans-Baikal Territory, but there are probably many of them too. Among the natives of Transbaikal Khilka in Buryatia, such names as folklorist and ethnologist, professor Dashi-Nima Dugarov, writers Tsyden-Zhap Zhimbiev and Barady Mungonov, and sculptor Dashi Namdakov are known. The author of the novel “Valley of the Immortals”, Vladimir Mitypov, is a native of Chita. The legendary sniper Semyon Nomokonov, the poet Yesugei Synduev and the editor-in-chief of “Buryaad Unen” Badmazhab Gyndyntsyrenov are Onon hamnigans. The descendants of the Gantimurov princes are “Miss Russia 2011” Natalya Gantimurova (on her father’s side) and astrologer Pavel Globa (on her mother’s side). Dashi Namdakov - Russian sculptor, artist, jeweler, member of the Union of Artists of Russia / Photo: Mark Agnor The children of the Agin land were such major political figures as the Russian courtier and diplomat Pyotr (Zhamsaran) Badmaev and the first Buryat deputy of the Russian parliament (State Duma of the 2nd convocation of 1907) Bato-Dalai Ochirov. Aga of modern times is glorified by such personalities as opera singers Lhasaran Linhovoin and Kim Bazarsadayev, Hero of the Soviet Union Bazar Rinchino, Hero of Russia commander of the Bryansk-Oryol partisans Badma Zhabon, Hero of Russia sailor Aldar Tsydenzhapov, writer Dashirabdan Batozhabay, artist Alla Tsybikova. The leader of the Mongolian democratic revolution, Prime Minister of Mongolia Sanzhaasurengiin Zorig had Agin roots on his father's side. Member of the Federation Council Bair Zhamsuev / Photo: council.gov.ru Today, on a general Buryat scale, such Agin residents are known as the ex-head of the Aginsky district, deputy chairman of the Federation Council Committee on Defense and Security Bair Zhamsuev, former Minister of Education and presidential candidate of the Republic of Belarus Sergei Namsaraev, director Sayan Zhambalov, general director of the construction company "Darkhanstroy" Dashi Dashitsyrenov, general director Irkutsk television company "AIST" Amgalan Bazarhandaev. Of course, one cannot fail to mention the Agin-Trans-Baikal roots of the current acting Republic of Buryatia, Alexei Tsydenov.Contribution of the “Agin” clan to the history of the republic
Aginskaya Duma
Not government property
Tsyben Zhamtsarano
Gombozhap Tsybikov
Russian eastern outskirts
Aginsky "separatism"
Aginskys in China
The torn Aginskaya steppe
Onon hamnigans
Princes Gantimurovs
Dugar Taphaev
Aginskaya “specialness”
"Aginsky" and "Khorinsky"
Famous residents of Agin and Transbaikal
