From the book: Rozin E. Lenin’s mythology of the state. M.: Yurist, 1996. P. 236

IN AND. Lenin - organizer of Soviet terror

A huge literature has been written about the terror unleashed by the Bolshevik Party and the Leninist state (anti-state). True, it was almost unfamiliar to the former Soviet reader, who was content with official publications with the appropriate interpretation. Archival materials and foreign research based on documentary materials were virtually inaccessible to homo soveticus. Only at the very Lately V former Union appeared special work, dedicated to the study of terror organized by the Bolsheviks. Among these works is a terrible book by S.P. Melgunov "Red Terror in Russia".

It is not our task now to analyze the nightmarish facts of this terror. This is the task of other researchers. We have set ourselves the task of showing, based on the study of Lenin’s documents contained in his truncated fifty-five-volume edition and in Lenin’s archival materials that have recently become available, that the organizer of the mass state terror that swept Russia and flooded its cities, villages and fields with innocent blood was none other , as the leader of the Bolshevik party, the head of this order of the sword bearers of the early 20th century, Lenin. Until recently, his personality was whitewashed in every possible way by official propaganda, his head was decorated with the halo of a peacemaker, and he was all covered with a veil of decency and mercy. The time has come to show, based precisely on published documents, what researchers of Leninism passed by in the past - the true face of a political figure of the most brutal scale, who did not disdain to use any means to achieve his goal.

Terror was carried out not only against those physically resisting violence, but also against dissidents. At the XI Congress of the RCP(b), the leader of the workers' opposition A.G. Shlyapnikov called Lenin a “machine gunner” for Lenin’s interpretation of the inadmissibility of panic during the “retreat” under the NEP. Lenin said: “...When the whole army is retreating... sometimes a few panicked heads are enough for everyone to run. The danger here is enormous. When such a retreat occurs with a real army, they set up machine guns and then, when a regular retreat turns into a disorderly one, they command “shoot!” And rightly so" (45, 88-89). Lenin, responding to this attack by Shlyapnikov, added a cruel phrase: “We are talking about machine guns for those people who we now call Mensheviks, Socialist-Revolutionaries...” (45, 120). In other words, machine guns against dissidents, against those who ideologically disagree with the Bolshevik line.

In the book “One Hundred and Forty Conversations with Molotov,” recorded by F. Chuev, there is a special section “Next to Lenin.” V.M. Molotov discusses, in particular, a topic previously prohibited in Leninianism: “He was strict, In some things he was stricter than Stalin. Read his notes to Dzerzhinsky. He often resorted to the most extreme measures when necessary... Shoot on the spot, and that’s it! There were such things. This is a dictatorship, a super-dictatorship... Lenin is a man of strong character. If necessary, he took him by the collar... When it came to the revolution, Soviet power, communism, Lenin was irreconcilable" (Quoted from: Melnichenko V.E. Lenin's drama at the end of the century (political miniatures). M., 1992. With 17).

Lenin systematically justified the violence of the “working people” - workers and peasants - against the bourgeoisie. But he did not immediately recognize and justify what was obvious in practice: the use of violence against the “working people” themselves - workers and peasants - in the name of the “toiling masses” themselves. It is no coincidence that the most cruel and cynical documents were hidden in the repositories of Lenin’s archives. Some documents encourage the policy of terror and repression (for example, “secretly prepare terror: necessary and urgent”; “try to punish Latvia and Estonia militarily (for example, “on the shoulders” of Balakhovich, cross the border somewhere even 1 mile and hang there are 100-1000 of their officials and rich people); “under the guise of the “greens” (we will blame them later) we will go 10-20 miles and hang the kulaks, priests, landowners. Prize: 100,000 rubles for the hanged man"; or: about the expulsion of Mensheviks, Socialist-Revolutionaries, Cadets from Russia, “to expel several hundred mercilessly,” about the expulsion of the intelligentsia, etc.

It seems inappropriate to publish documents of this kind at the present time” (Note from G.L. Smirnov to the CPSU Central Committee. “On the unpublished documents of V.I. Lenin.” December 14, 1990 to the CPSU Central Committee. To the Deputy General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, Comrade V. Ivashko. A. Top secret // Historical archive. 1992. No. 1. P. 217). Thus, behind the heading “Top Secret” they tried to hide from the people the inhumane facts exposing Lenin. We will return to these documents, but for now we will only note that in the above phrases there is an open order about state terrorism, about criminal actions against independent sovereign states, about calls for monstrous reprisals for money against innocent people, about a terrible bonus of 100 000 rubles for each of the 100-1000 hanged. After this, is it necessary to describe in detail the totalitarian regime that was created by the leader of the newly-minted party of the Swordsmen?

Awakened by two Russian revolutions, the people hardly had time to feel relatively free after February 1917. But soon, as a result of the mass repressions organized by Lenin, he was turned into a voiceless and faceless mass, which the Bolsheviks manipulated as they wanted. Under the conditions of the total ideology of Bolshevism and total terror, veneration for rank, sycophancy, and state hypocrisy flourished on a state scale. All this was turned into an extensive system. It was Lenin who created for the first time in history a totalitarian state, a totalitarian regime, meaning one of the types of dictatorship and tyranny, which was later imitated in a different version by the totalitarian regime of Hitlerism. This was a regime that asserted the exercise of its undivided, complete (total) power, a regime against the so-called enemies of the people. And who became the “enemy of the people” is now well known. Lenin acted on the principle: “If the enemy does not surrender, he is destroyed.” He supplemented it with the statement: “If he surrenders, he is also destroyed.”

Around 1921, Stalin wrote: “The Communist Party is a kind of order of swordsmen within the Soviet state, directing the organs of the latter and spiritualizing their activities” (Stalin I.V. Soch. T. 5. P. 71). But Stalin was only an exact continuation of Lenin. He was not the creator of the Soviet totalitarian state, its architect was V.I. Lenin.

An important feature of the Soviet totalitarian regime was that here fear and terror were used not only as tools to intimidate and destroy real or imagined enemies, but also as an everyday tool for controlling the masses. For this purpose, the atmosphere was constantly cultivated and reproduced civil war, which, according to Lenin, is one of the forms of the dictatorship of the “proletariat”. Terror was unleashed without any apparent reason or prior provocation. His victims were innocent even from the point of view of those who unleashed this terror, which was simply preventive in nature. Any person could become the target of this terror.

Lenin's terror in all areas of political and ideological life gave rise to a general, total fear that clamped their mouths and turned people either into dumb animals or into people (anti-people) who supported all the most monstrous repressions and crimes of the party and state with cries of “Hurray!” and thunderous applause. This is similar to how during the trial of Pontius Pilate over Christ a huge crowd gathered, shouting “Crucify him!”

The slavery of horror before the Cheka and military tribunals gradually turned Lenin’s society into a monolith, because in the face of fear of denunciations, various accusations, followed by inevitable repressions, all classes and nations, all social strata, upper and lower, became equal in their slavery. Under the conditions of Lenin's terror, people began to fear each other: wife - husband, father - son, brother - brother, they began to fear themselves or the manifestation of any freedom in themselves, even if only mentally. The cult of cruelty and fear dominated the state created by Lenin. But these arrests, convictions and imprisonments of innocent people, their imprisonment in concentration camps, the taking of hostages from families who were threatened with reprisals, are certainly crimes against humanity.

Perhaps the most favorite punishment used by Lenin was the death penalty. Back in September 1917, in his work “The Impending Catastrophe and How to Fight It,” Lenin wrote that “any revolutionary government can hardly do without the death penalty in relation to exploiters (i.e., landowners and capitalists)” (34, 174).

The same idea was expressed in the article “How the bourgeoisie uses renegades” (September 20, 1919). “Not a single revolutionary government can do without the death penalty... the whole question is only against which class is the weapon of the death penalty directed by this government” (39, 183-184).

The range of application of the death penalty in the form of executions and even hanging by Lenin is very wide. These executions were for parasitism, for hiding weapons, for profiteering, for those who resisted digging trenches, for disobedience (indiscipline), etc.

Thus, in the article “How to organize a competition?”, written on December 24-27, 1917 (January 6-9, 1918), Lenin talks about the need to develop thousands of forms and methods of accounting and control over the rich, swindlers and parasites. “In one place,” he wrote, “a dozen rich people, a dozen swindlers, and half a dozen workers who are shirking from work will be put in prison (in the same hooligan way as many typesetters in St. Petersburg, especially in party printing houses, shirking from work). In another, they will be assigned to clean toilets. In the third, after leaving the punishment cell, they will be provided with yellow tickets, so that the whole people, until they are reformed, will supervise them as harmful people. In the fourth, one out of ten guilty of parasitism will be shot on the spot” (35, 204). As you can see, even workers who simply avoid work for one reason or another cannot escape execution.

Hiding a weapon also results in execution. On July 9, 1919, Lenin wrote: “Whoever hides or helps to hide weapons is the greatest criminal against workers and peasants, he deserves to be shot...” (39, 50). In general, for Lenin, execution (and the demand for execution, the death penalty is contained in Lenin’s documents several dozen times) is nothing more than an ordinary, ordinary method of mass terror. In a speech on measures to combat hunger on January 14 (27), 1918, Lenin said: “Until we apply terror - execution on the spot - to speculators, nothing will come of it. If the detachments are made up of random people who do not agree, there can be no robberies. In addition, the robbers must be dealt with decisively - shot on the spot...

The detachments shoot red-handed and fully exposed speculators on the spot. Members of detachments convicted of dishonesty are also subject to the same punishment” (35, 311, 312).

So, executions without trial, without clarifying the motives of the crime and all the circumstances, executions even of persons convicted of dishonesty. But what kind of crime is this - “bad faith”, under which anything can be subsumed?

On February 21, 1918 (“The socialist fatherland is in danger!”) Lenin wrote that the workers and peasants of Petrograd, Kiev and all cities and towns, villages and villages along the new front should mobilize battalions to dig trenches under the leadership of military specialists. “These battalions must include all able-bodied members of the bourgeois class, men and women, under the supervision of the Red Guards; those who resist are shot... Enemy agents, speculators, thugs, hooligans, counter-revolutionary agitators, German spies are shot at the scene of the crime” (35, 358). But who determines one’s ability to work and one’s belonging to the bourgeois class? What is the age? How was it possible to combine into one those who refused to dig trenches and enemy agents, hooligans, etc., who, according to Lenin, should have been shot at the scene of the crime? How could they shoot women who refused to dig trenches? What exactly is the composition of counter-revolutionary agitation? There are a lot of questions, but there is only one method - execution, a monstrous lawlessness.

What is the pop - such is the arrival. Lenin's mania for executions also gripped Lenin's entourage. Bukharin, who was later strangely ranked by some authors as a democrat and “innocent victim” of Stalinism, for example, demanded that people receiving 4,000 rubles be shot. This even caused an objection from Lenin, who closing remarks on a report on the immediate tasks of Soviet power at a meeting of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee on April 29, 1918, he stated: “...When Comrade. Bukharin said that there are people who receive 4000, that they should be put up against the wall and shot - it’s wrong” (36, 272). What kind of power is this, what kind of regime is this, whose servants, who themselves enjoyed enormous privileges, proposed to put others who received high salaries against the wall?

Introduce mutual responsibility for the entire detachment, for example, the threat of shooting the tenth, for each case of robbery” (36.374-375). But what kind of crime is “indiscipline”? This concept could include anything and anyone, including, for example, a worker who violates the technological regime of a working machine, etc. And the brutal attitude associated with the execution of every tenth person according to the principle of mutual responsibility? Truly, the leader of the Bolshevik Party cannot be denied the ingenuity of reasons and reasons for mass repressions and executions.

In proposals on the work of the Cheka, written in December 1918 and first published in 1933, Lenin speaks of the need to punish false denunciations by death (37, 535). It seems that Lenin was specifically looking for reasons for the increasingly widespread use of executions. In any case, the Bolshevik leader has at least several dozen of them, and in this work the list of Lenin’s proposals for executions will be continued.

The leader of the “world” proletariat did not consider it possible to limit himself to proposals for execution in relation to the population of Russia. He gave similar advice to workers in other countries. Thus, in his work “Greetings to the Hungarian Workers” (May 27, 1919), Lenin advised: “Be firm. If hesitation appears among the socialists who yesterday joined you, the dictatorship of the proletariat, or among the petty bourgeoisie, suppress the hesitation mercilessly. Shooting is the legal fate of a coward in war” (38.388).

In the “Draft decisions of the Politburo of the Central Committee on measures to combat Mamontov,” written at the end of August 1918, Lenin proposed adding the following to the Politburo decision:

“2) shoot immediately for failure to leave the carriages;

3) introduce a number of draconian measures to tighten discipline” (39, 172). Executions, executions and executions. Even for not leaving the carriages. And the use of draconian measures, as Ilyich liked to put it, to tighten discipline.

“Although,” said Lenin, “on the initiative of Comrade Dzerzhinsky, after the capture of Rostov, the death penalty was abolished, at the very beginning a reservation was made that we would not turn a blind eye to the possibility of reinstating executions” (40, 114). Thus, executions became an everyday norm of the policy of the Leninist state; they could be introduced at any time and, in fact, they were never truly abandoned.

It can be said that in a number of Lenin’s speeches and in his documents, the apology for the death penalty runs like a red thread in many cases. In a speech at the First All-Russian Constituent Congress of Miners, published in 1920 in the brochure “Resolutions and Decrees of the First All-Russian Constituent Congress of Miners,” Lenin stated: “... The best people of the working class died, who sacrificed themselves, realizing that they would die, but they will save generations, save thousands and thousands of workers and peasants. They mercilessly disgraced and poisoned selfish people, those who cared about their own person during the war, and mercilessly shot them” (40, 296).

According to Lenin, it is not enough to limitlessly expand the use of executions - they, according to his views, are morally justified, sanctified by the moral consciousness of the working class. He said in a speech at the III All-Russian Congress of Trade Unions that the unity of will in war was expressed in the fact that if someone “put his own interests, the interests of his group, his village above the general interests, he was branded a selfish person, he was shot, and this shooting justified by the moral consciousness of the working class" (40, 308).

Therefore, the most severe measures were introduced in the Red Army in order to strengthen discipline. As a result, discipline in this army did not improve.
fell short of the discipline of the previous army. These harsh measures also included executions.

Execution, as noted, was a common norm of political life for Lenin. And not only in extreme conditions, such as during a civil war. But also in peaceful conditions, in peacetime, in the conditions of the new economic policy. In a letter to the People's Commissar of Justice D.I. Kursky on February 20, 1922 “On the tasks of the People’s Commissariat of Justice in the conditions of the New Economic Policy” Lenin wrote:

“There is a fuss in the newspapers about the abuses of the NEP. There are a lot of these abuses.

Where is the noise about exemplary trials against scoundrels who abuse the new economic policy? This noise does not exist, because these processes do not exist. The NKUST “forgot” that this is its business, that failing to tighten up, shake up, shake up the people’s courts and teach them to punish mercilessly, even by shooting, and quickly for abuses of the new economic policy is the duty of the NKUST. He is responsible for this” (44, 397). This letter was accompanied by Lenin's instructions, his special request: do not duplicate the letter, show it only against signature, and do not let anyone talk. So, either openly or secretly, Lenin gave orders for judicial and extrajudicial executions. Moreover, it turns out, according to Lenin in the same letter, “every member of the NKUST board, every figure in this department should be assessed according to their track record, after a certificate: “... how many merchants have you brought to death for abuses of the NEP ...” (44, 398). Thus, the leaders of the NKUST were directly called upon to use execution, and it was the number of those shot that assessed their activities in serving the interests of the “working masses.”

But execution in itself, as a type of death penalty, seems to Lenin to be an insufficient measure. Hanging is such a terrifying measure. In a letter to the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks), Lenin said: “This is not the first time that the Moscow Committee (and Comrade Zelinsky as well) actually gives some slack to communist criminals who should be hanged” (45, 53).

The executions should not have been only individual, although this is not denied and is not abandoned. But it is best if, according to Lenin, they are of a mass nature.

In a famous letter from D.I. Kursky regarding the draft criminal code, Lenin the lawyer completely ignores the historical and international experience jurisprudence; According to Lenin, the task of jurisprudence was to substantiate the actual lack of individual rights, mass terror, repression, including executions. It was precisely in retrospect, according to Lenin, that suitable arguments for legal support for mass repressions should have been found. The law in the hands of the Bolsheviks was a drawbar: wherever you turned, that’s where it went.

On May 15, 1922 (i.e. after the end of the civil war, in peaceful conditions), Lenin, having familiarized himself with the draft introductory law to the criminal code of the RSFSR, put in a letter to D.I. Kursky's task is to expand the use of executions, especially in all types of activities of the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries. Lenin suggested that Kursky find appropriate formulations that would put this activity in connection with the international bourgeoisie. The continuation of this instruction is contained in the following letter to D.I. Kursky dated May 17, 1922. Despite its cumbersomeness, due to the special importance of the provisions expressed in it, we present it almost in full:

"7.V.1922

T. Kursky! In addition to our conversation, I am sending you a draft of an additional paragraph of the Criminal Code... The main idea, I hope, is clear, despite all the shortcomings of the draft, openly expose a principled and politically truthful (and not just legally narrow) position motivating the essence and justification of terror, its necessity, its limits.

The court must not eliminate terror; to promise this would be self-deception or deception, but to justify and legitimize it in principle, clearly, without falsehood and without embellishment. It is necessary to formulate it as broadly as possible, because only revolutionary legal consciousness and revolutionary conscience will set the conditions for application in practice, more or less broadly.

With communist greetings Lenin.

Option 1:

Propaganda, or agitation, or participation in an organization, or assistance to organizations acting (propaganda and agitation) in the direction of helping that part of the international bourgeoisie that does not recognize the equality of the communist property system that is replacing capitalism and seeks its violent overthrow, whether through intervention, or blockade, or espionage, or funding the press, etc. means, is punishable by capital punishment, with replacement in case of extenuating circumstances, imprisonment or deportation abroad.

Option 2:

Those guilty of participating in organizations or assisting organizations or persons conducting activities of the above nature (whose activities have the above nature) are subject to the same punishment” (45, 190-191).

These additions are striking in their lack of clarity of the crime. At the same time, Lenin wrote that although violence is not the ideal of the Bolsheviks, the Bolsheviks cannot do without violence. Of particular importance were Lenin’s instructions on the so-called counter-revolutionary agitation and propaganda, instructions that formed the basis of Article 58 of the Criminal Code of the RSFSR, famous for its terrible consequences, with its boundless interpretation, an article according to which millions of citizens of the former Soviet Union were sent to concentration camps and prisons. All future, including Stalin’s, programs for the continuous intensification of the class struggle go back to this sadly famous Leninist document.

In a telegram to Extraordinary Commissioner S.P. On July 7, 1918, Lenin gave instructions to Natsarenus in Petrozavodsk to shoot foreigners who directly or indirectly assisted in the campaign of the Anglo-French imperialists, as well as citizens of the Soviet Republic who directly or indirectly assisted imperialist robbery (?!).

Shooting, according to Lenin, should have been used not only for dissent or a specific act. The order to the Supreme Military Council, written by Lenin on August 9, 1918, asked “to immediately give me the names of 6 generals (former) (and addresses) and 12 officers of the General Staff (former) responsible for the accurate and accurate implementation of this order, warning that they will they will be shot for sabotage if they do not comply” (50, 141). And we were talking about the instructions written by Lenin to the Supreme Military Council on a memorandum to the leadership of the Northern Front dated August 8, 1918, containing a list of military equipment and ammunition necessary for the needs of the front.

From Lenin’s point of view, a direct threat to Soviet power, a threat in connection with which he demanded mass terror and executions, was represented by... prostitutes! And this is not an anecdote, but a Leninist true story that deserves to be noted. In an address to the Chairman of the Nizhny Novgorod Gubernia Department G.F. Lenin wrote to Fedorov: “A White Guard uprising is clearly being prepared in Nizhny. We must exert all our efforts, form a troika of dictators (you, Markin, etc.), immediately impose mass terror, shoot and take away hundreds of prostitutes who solder soldiers, former officers, etc.” (50, 142). This is truly a tragedy at its intersection with farce and the wretchedness of political thought.

Commissioner of the People's Commissariat for Food A.K. Pikes and the political commissar of the 4th Army Zorin reported from Saratov about the poor supply of military units and asked to take vigorous measures to send uniforms, equipment and ammunition. In this regard, Lenin on August 22, 1918. sent a telegram to A.K. Pikes with the following content: “Now I will talk on the phone with the military about all your demands. For the time being, I advise you to appoint your superiors and shoot conspirators and hesitant ones, without asking anyone and without allowing idiotic red tape” (50, 165). This uncertainty is simply terrifying. Why shoot those who hesitate and who are they, these
hesitant? Everything was handed over to the direct executors of Lenin’s instructions about executions.

Executions, according to Lenin, are not just a measure of punishment for people specifically guilty of “something.” This is a terrible measure of general intimidation, which Lenin repeatedly resorted to. On December 12, 1918, he wrote to A.G. Shlyapnikov: “Strive with all your might to catch and shoot Astrakhan speculators and bribe-takers. This bastard must be dealt with in such a way that everyone will remember it for years to come (50, 219).

In this regard, Lenin’s statement about “lubrication”, a bribe in his interests when he needed it, is not without interest. So, in a letter to M.I. Ulyanova about the book “The Agrarian Program of Social Democracy in the First Russian Revolution of 1905-1907.” Lenin wrote on July 13, 1908: “...If there is any possibility, get me one copy, at least “lubricated” where it should be, five-fold if necessary” (55.252). As you can see, here too Lenin has a double morality.

Even for not helping the starving workers, Lenin suggested shooting them. In a telegram to the Kursk Extraordinary Commission on January 6, 1919, Lenin gave instructions to immediately arrest a member of the Kursk Central Purchase Committee for not helping 120 starving workers in Moscow and letting them go empty-handed. He demanded “to publish it in newspapers and leaflets, so that all workers of central procurement and food agencies would know that for a formal and bureaucratic attitude to the matter, for failure to help starving workers, repression will be severe, including execution (50.238). Execution only for “failure to help starving workers.”

In a telegram to the Simbirsk Provincial Food Commissar, also written on January 6, 1919, Lenin telegraphed: “If it is confirmed that you did not accept bread after 4 o’clock and forced the peasants to wait until the morning, then you will be shot” (50, 238). As they say, comments are unnecessary.

The Leninist attitude towards the complaint is also characteristic. “Apparently,” Lenin wrote to the Novgorod Provincial Executive Committee, “Bulatov was arrested for complaining to me. I warn you that for this I will arrest the chairmen of the provincial executive committee, the Cheka and members of the executive committee and have them executed” (50.318).

The attitude towards concealing weapons is similar. In a telegram to H.G. Rakovsky and V.I. On May 26, 1919, Lenin pointed out to Mezhlau: “Decree and implement the complete disarmament of the population, shoot on the spot mercilessly for any hidden rifle” (50, 324).

Lenin demanded that the peasants be strictly protected during the grain harvest and that they be mercilessly shot for violence and lawless exactions by the army. This is what Lenin wrote in a telegram to the Revolutionary Military Councils of the 10th and 4th Armies on August 20, 1919 (51, 36).

Even during military operations, Lenin demanded the total extermination of all military opponents. In an address to E.M. Sklyansko-
On August 30, 1919, he insisted on using all or most of the twenty-first division for the wholesale extermination of the troops of Mamontov’s cavalry corps (see 51, 40).

There is truly no limit to Lenin’s statements about executions. They are introduced everywhere, they threaten everyone. In a telegram to I.V. On February 16, 1920, Lenin demanded that Stalin threaten with execution that sloppy signalman who, while in charge of communications, could not ensure that telephone communications were fully operational. Only for inability and sloppiness!

The unlimited use of execution according to his instructions did not fully satisfy Lenin. He wanted to take part in this personally. Addressing the fuel department of the Moscow Soviet of Deputies on June 16, 1920, Lenin noted the need to mobilize the entire population of Moscow in order to manually pull out a sufficient amount of firewood from the forests to railway and narrow-gauge railway stations. “If,” the Bolshevik leader feared, “ heroic measures will not be taken, I will personally carry out in the Defense Council and the Central Committee not only the arrests of all responsible persons, but also executions"(51, 216). So, Lenin personally intended to carry out executions if heroic measures were not taken to... remove the firewood!

It is possible to cite and cite new documents about Lenin’s organizational role in mass terror and execution for anything and everything (51, 245; 54, 32-33; 144, 196). But it still seemed to him that the executions were not enough, not enough. In the note by A.D. Tsyurupe dated December 5, 1921 Lenin, referring to some documents that were not found, wrote: “Executions are also few (I am for execution in such cases)” (54, 57).

Ex. 1 “Protocol No. 6 Top Secret

Meetings of the Politburo Commission of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks

Chaired by Comrade Kalinin

Members of the Commission were present

Tt. Shkiryatov M.F., Merkulov V. and Pankratov M.I.

Listened

Decided

Last names, first names and patronymics

Agree with the use of execution of more than 170 people against the absolute majority - 146 people"

And how many such documents were destroyed in the Politburo and the Cheka?!

The decisions of the Politburo to execute responsible persons and members of their families were not invented by Stalin and his circle. They go back to the founder of the Soviet state, Lenin, who laid the foundation for the organization of mass and individual executions and extrajudicial death penalty. Let us only note that not only the rich, priests, industrialists, merchants, officers, members of opposing parties, etc. were shot. Mass executions of peasants (in Tula, Tver, Smolensk, Tomsk provinces, etc.), workers in Astrakhan, Tula, Novorossiysk, etc. were very frequent.

Noteworthy is the resolution of the Council of Workers' and Peasants' Defense of February 15, 1919, which reads: “... to take hostages from the peasants with the understanding that if the snow is not cleared, they will be shot” (Decrees of Soviet Power Vol. 4. M ., 1968. P. 627).

Taking the covers off "14 quotes from Lenin that make your blood run cold"

There are a lot of links. (It doesn’t matter where you look, you can, for example, here.)

a) an unscrupulous person who deliberately takes phrases, and even words, out of context,

b) mentally unbalanced, because he found in Lenin’s texts something that an ordinary, healthy person could not find.

With this approach, the expression “he who does not work, does not eat” can be interpreted as a program of genocide in relation to the infirm and the elderly.

I’ll immediately clarify that I only considered “quotations” submitted with reference to Lenin’s works. I don’t know what Latyshev, Volkogonov, etc. are referring to. But these materials are not found in Lenin’s works. Will seek.

Second "quote".

“It’s a war of life and death for the rich and hangers-on, bourgeois intellectuals... they must be dealt with at the slightest violation... In one place they will be sent to prison... In another they will be put to clean toilets. In the third, they will be provided with yellow tickets after leaving the punishment cell... In the fourth, they will be shot on the spot... The more varied, the better, the richer the overall experience will be...”

Where did it come from, what was it combined from?

From Lenin’s work “How to organize a competition?” Pulled from several pages at once. The “quote” is highlighted in color – it is very clear from what context the passages were taken.

S.200: No mercy for these enemies of the people, enemies of socialism, enemies of the working people. A war of life and death for the rich and their hangers-on, the bourgeois intellectuals, war on swindlers, parasites and hooligans... .

“Deal with violators of rules and laws” - maybe there are other models of states? There is none of them.

There are also such lines about the intelligentsia, which the uneducated or unscrupulous author of the quotation book passed by:

“It is impossible to do without advice, without the guidance of educated people, intellectuals, and specialists. Every intelligent worker and peasant understands this perfectly, and the intellectuals in our midst cannot complain about the lack of attention and comradely respect on the part of the workers and peasants. But advice and direction is one thing, organization is another thing. practical accounting and control. Intellectuals very often give the most excellent advice and guidance, but they turn out to be ridiculously ridiculous, shamefully “armless”, incapable conduct put these tips and instructions into practice practical control to ensure that words are turned into deeds.")

P.203-204

“He who does not work, neither shall he eat” - here practical commandment of socialism. That's what you need practically fix. Here's how practical Our “communes” and our organizers from workers and peasants, especially from intellectuals (especially more, for they are proud of their general instructions and resolutions too much got used to it too got used to it).

Thousands of forms and methods of practical accounting and control over the rich, swindlers and parasites must be developed and tested in practice by the communes themselves, small cells in the countryside and in the city. Diversity here is a guarantee of vitality, a guarantee of success in achieving a common common goal: cleaning Russian land from all sorts of harmful insects, from fleas - swindlers, from bedbugs - rich, and so on and so forth. In one place they will go to jail a dozen rich people, a dozen swindlers, half a dozen workers shirking work (just as hooligans as many typesetters in St. Petersburg shirking work, especially in party printing houses). In another, they will be assigned to clean toilets. In the third, they will be provided with yellow tickets upon leaving the punishment cell. so that the whole people, until they are corrected, watch over them as over harmful people. In the fourth - they will shoot on the spot one in ten guilty of parasitism. In the fifth, they will come up with combinations of different means and, through, for example, conditional release, they will achieve quick correction of correctable elements from the rich, bourgeois intellectuals, swindlers and hooligans. The more variety the better, the richer the overall experience., the surer and faster the success of socialism will be, the easier practice will develop - for only practice can develop - the best methods and means of struggle.

The manipulation is so obvious that it is unnecessary to comment. Even one failure to mention “in the fifth -...” is enough.

Fourth. " Penza, Gubispolkom...carry out merciless mass terror against kulaks, priests and White Guards; those who are dubious will be locked up in a concentration camp outside the city.”

Let's look at the source:

I received your telegram 153. It is necessary to organize enhanced security from selected reliable people, to carry out merciless mass terror against the kulaks, priests and White Guards; doubtful ones are locked up in a concentration camp outside the city. Launch the expedition. Telegraph execution.

The explanation says:

153. This refers to the message from the Chairman of the Penza Provincial Party Committee E.B. Bosh about the situation in the province.

On August 5, 1918, a kulak rebellion broke out in the Kuchkinsky volost of the Penza district, which soon spread to neighboring volosts. Through deception and violence, the kulaks managed to attract many middle peasants and even the poor to participate in the rebellion. On August 8, the rebellion in the Penza district was liquidated, but the situation in the province continued to remain tense. On the night of August 18–19, a Left Socialist Revolutionary rebellion broke out in the district town of Chembar (see note 165). The leading Penza workers were not energetic enough in suppressing counter-revolutionary uprisings. V.I. Lenin sent several telegrams to Penza, demanding the use of decisive measures in the fight against the kulaks.

That is, the text is not abstract - about kulaks, priests and White Guards in general, as the author of the quotation book hints at - but about a very specific situation of a specific kulak rebellion.

Sixth:

Here it is simply taken out of context, the 6th of the bloodthirsty phrases is underlined, the rest is thrown out. And the full text is:

"Saratov, Pikes

Now I will talk on the phone with the military about all your demands 171. Temporarily I advise you to appoint your bosses and shoot conspirators and hesitators, without asking anyone and without allowing idiotic red tape. And to receive an answer from me, either wait at the telegraph office, or set up a shift on duty, or set a time in an hour or two. Answer."

171 -- Commissioner of the People's Commissariat of Food A.K. Pikes and political commissar of the 4th Army Zorin reported from Saratov about the poor supply of military units and asked to take emergency measures to send uniforms, equipment and ammunition. - 165.

In fact, for those crying about the Red Terror, in this case Lenin demanded the execution of the commanders and suppliers of his own army, who were guilty of sabotage and betrayal during wartime. This is a centuries-old global practice.

The compiler of the quotation book is most likely unscrupulous.

“I am surprised and alarmed by the slowdown in the operation against Kazan, especially if what I was told is true that you have every opportunity to destroy the enemy with artillery. In my opinion, we cannot spare the city and postpone it longer, because merciless extermination is necessary. , since it is only true that Kazan is in an iron ring.”

I will add that in the explanation to this telegram it is written that it was transmitted to Kazan at 6:54 a.m. on September 10, 1918, and by 2:00 p.m., units of the Red Army liberated Kazan from the troops of the White Guards and White Czechs.

“As for foreigners, I advise you not to rush into deportation. Wouldn't it be better to go to a concentration camp..."

Let's look at the source: this is from a telegram to Zinoviev for Stalin:

"About foreigners I advise you not to rush into deportation. Wouldn't it be better to go to a concentration camp? so that later exchange .»

Fourteenth. “...The court must not eliminate terror; to promise this would be self-deception or deception, but to justify and legitimize it in principle, clearly, without falsehood and without embellishment.”

It was a telegram, the contents of which are given below. There is a controversy here about the future of the Criminal Code.

Comrade Kursky!

In addition to our conversation, I am sending you a draft of an additional paragraph of the Criminal Code. A rough sketch, which, of course, needs all sorts of finishing and reworking. The main idea, I hope, is clear, despite all the shortcomings of the draft: openly put forward a principled and politically truthful (and not just legally narrow) position that motivates essence And justification terror, its necessity, its limits.

The court must not eliminate terror; to promise this would be self-deception or deception, but to justify and legitimize it in principle, clearly, without falsehood and without embellishment. It is necessary to formulate it as broadly as possible, because only revolutionary legal consciousness and revolutionary conscience will set the conditions for application in practice, more or less broadly.

With communist greetings

Lenin

Option 1:

Propaganda, or agitation, or participation in an organization, or assistance to organizations acting (propaganda and agitation) in the direction of helping that part of the international bourgeoisie that does not recognize the equality of the communist property system that is replacing capitalism and seeks its violent overthrow, whether through intervention, or blockade, or espionage, or funding the press, etc. means

is punishable by capital punishment, with replacement, in case of extenuating circumstances, by imprisonment or deportation abroad.

Option 2:

a) Propaganda or agitation that objectively promotes that part of the international bourgeoisie that, etc., to the end.

b) Those guilty of participating in organizations or assisting organizations or persons conducting activities of the above nature (whose activities have the above nature) are subject to the same punishment.

P.S. I forgot to add, I'll fill it in.

Eleventh.

"T. Lunacharsky

... I advise you to put all theaters in a coffin.

The People's Commissar of Education should not engage in theater, but in teaching literacy."

In real.

TELEPHONOGRAM TO A.V. LUNACHARSKY 158

Comrade Lunacharsky

I can’t accept it because I’m sick.

I advise you to put all theaters in a coffin.

The People's Commissar of Education should not engage in theater, but in teaching literacy.

Lenin

Explanation, context:

158 This telephone message is a response to a letter from A.V. Lunacharsky dated August 25, 1921 with a request to accept him on the issue of reorganization of the Moscow Art Theater; the letter ended with the words that if the proposals set out in the letter cannot be accepted, then the theater will be “put into a coffin.” Lenin used this expression from Lunacharsky in his telephone message.

Feel the difference.

Homizuri G. P.

Adhering to the principle of the presumption of innocence, I cite only those texts where there is a clear indication of the authorship of V. I. Lenin. As chairman of the Council of People's Commissars and leader of the party, he, of course, is responsible for all documents adopted by the Council of People's Commissars and the Central Committee of the party. But since there is no 100% guarantee of his authorship, I do not cite these documents and refer the reader to my study “Chronology of Terror”. I also do not cite the unpublished materials and drafts for articles available in the PSS - since Lenin did not make them public, it means that it is incorrect to refer to them.

1894

"G. Mikhailovsky says: “The international society of workers founded by Marx for the purpose of class struggle did not prevent the French and German workers from slaughtering and ruining each other.”<…>As for the fact that the International did not prevent the workers from slaughtering each other, it is enough to remind Mr. Mikhailovsky of the events of the Commune, which showed the real attitude of the organized proletariat towards the ruling classes.”

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 1, pp. 154-155).

1895

autumn

“Out of patience, the workers quit work on January 7, 1885, and within a few days they destroyed the factory shop, master Shorin’s apartment and some other factory buildings. This terrible revolt of tens of thousands of workers (the number of workers reached 11,000 people) extremely frightened the government<…>

The history of the pogroms of 1885 shows us what power lies in the united protest of workers. “You just need to make sure that this force is used more consciously, that it is not wasted in vain, on revenge on this or that individual manufacturer or breeder, on the pogrom of this or that hated factory or plant, so that the whole force of this indignation and this hatred is directed against everyone.” manufacturers, factory owners together, against the entire class of factory owners and factory owners, and waged a constant, persistent struggle against it.”

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 2, pp. 22-23, 25).

1899

the end of the year

“We believe that the means should be exactly those indicated by the “Emancipation of Labor” group (agitation, - revolutionary organization, - transition “at a convenient moment” to a decisive attack, which does not, in principle, renounce terror)<…>This also includes, in our opinion, the question of terror: a discussion of this issue - and, of course, a discussion not from a principled, but from a tactical side - should certainly be raised by the Social Democrats<…>In our personal opinion, terror is currently an inappropriate means of struggle, and the party (as a party) must reject it (pending a change in conditions, which could lead to a change in tactics) ... "

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 4, pp. 222-223).

1901

“In principle, we have never renounced and cannot renounce terror. This is one of the military actions that can be quite suitable and even necessary at a certain moment of the battle, under a certain state of the army and under certain conditions.”

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 5, p. 7).

1902

“Terror confronts them [the Social Democrats. - G.Kh.] as one of the possible auxiliary means, and not as a special method of tactics that justifies separation from revolutionary social democracy"

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 6, p. 371).

“Without at all denying violence and terror in principle, we demanded that we work on preparing such forms of violence that would count on the direct participation of the masses and would ensure this participation.”

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 6, p. 386).

1903

end of June – beginning of July

"DRAFT RESOLUTION ON TERROR"

“The Congress resolutely rejects terrorism, i.e. a system of isolated political murders as a method of political struggle, which is highly inappropriate at the present time"

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 7, p. 251).

1905

“It would be desirable and, from our point of view, necessary for an agreement that, instead of a general call for “individual and mass terror,” the task of united actions would be directly and definitely the immediate and actual merging of terrorism with the uprising of the masses.”

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 9, p. 280).

“To scare with Jacobinism at the moment of the revolution is the greatest vulgarity. A democratic dictatorship, as I have already pointed out, is not an “organization of order”, but an organization of war. Even if we captured St. Petersburg and guillotined Nicholas, we would have several Vendées in front of us. And Marx understood this perfectly well when in 1848 he recalled the Jacobins in the Neue Rheinische Gazeta. He said: “The terror of 1793 is nothing more than a plebeian way of dealing with absolutism and counter-revolution.” We also prefer to deal with the Russian autocracy in a “plebeian” way.”

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 10, pp. 137-138).

“Let detachments from 3 to 10, up to 30, etc. be organized immediately. Human. Let them immediately arm themselves, some as best they can, some with a revolver, some with a knife, some with a rag with kerosene for arson, etc.<…>Preachers should give each detachment short and simple recipes for bombs, a very basic account of all types of work, and then leave all the activities to them themselves. Units must immediately begin military training on immediate operations, immediately. Some will immediately undertake the murder of a spy, the bombing of a police station, others - an attack on a bank to confiscate funds for the uprising<…>Do not be afraid of these tentative attacks. They can, of course, degenerate into extremes, but this is the trouble of tomorrow, and today the trouble is in our inertia, in our doctrinairism, learned immobility, senile fear of initiative. Let each detachment learn on its own, at least from beating up policemen.”

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 11, pp. 336, 337, 338).

"Tasks of units of the revolutionary army<…>Units must arm themselves with whatever they can (gun, revolver, bomb, knife, brass knuckles, stick, rag with kerosene for arson<…>pyroxylin bomb, barbed wire, nails (against cavalry)<…>Even without weapons, units can play a very serious role:<…>4) climbing to the top of houses, to the upper floors, etc. and showering the army with stones, pouring boiling water, etc.<…>Preparatory [work – G.Kh.] includes obtaining all kinds of weapons<…>(acid for dousing police officers)<…>proceed as soon as possible to military action in order to<…>raising funds for the uprising (confiscation of government Money) <…>To launch attacks, under favorable conditions, is not only the right, but also the direct duty of every revolutionary. Killing spies, policemen, gendarmes, bombing police stations<…>taking away government funds<…>The units of the revolutionary army must<…>to act with armed force, beating the Black Hundreds, killing them, blowing up their headquarters, etc. etc."

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 11, pp. 339, 340. 341, 342).

1906

April

“The scientific concept of dictatorship means nothing more than power that is unrestricted by anything, not constrained by any laws, absolutely not constrained by any rules, and directly based on violence.”<…>dictatorship is not carried out by the whole people, but only by the revolutionary people<…>

Is it good that the people use such illegal, disorderly, unplanned and unsystematic methods of struggle as the seizure of freedom, the creation of a new, formally unrecognized and revolutionary government, and use violence against the oppressors of the people? Yes it is very good. This is the highest manifestation people's struggle for freedom"

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 12, pp. 320-322).

“S.-D. The press has long been pointing out (the old Iskra) that the merciless extermination of civilian and military commanders is our duty during an uprising<…>And that guerrilla war, that mass terror that has been going on everywhere in Russia almost continuously since December, will undoubtedly help teach the masses the correct tactics at the time of the uprising. Social democracy must recognize and adopt this mass terror into its tactics. Of course, by organizing and controlling it"

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 13, pp. 373, 375).

1908

“The second mistake [of the proletariat of the Paris Commune. - G.Kh.] - excessive generosity of the proletariat: it was necessary to exterminate their enemies, and he tried to morally influence them"

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 16, p. 452).

1910

“In 1905 and 1906, the peasants, in fact, only scared the tsar and the landowners. But they must not be frightened, they must be destroyed, their government - the tsarist government - must be wiped off the face of the earth."

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 19, p. 422).

1914

IN AND. Lenin - I.F. Armand:

“We are for an exchange of opinions, for the IBU resolution - this is NB - but we are absolutely against Kautsky’s vile phrase. Beat him mercilessly for this, stipulating that we are for Aussprache (exchange of opinions) etc.”

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 48, p. 238).

IN AND. Lenin - I.F. Armand:

“It is most desirable that the section adopt a massacre resolution against Kautsky (calling his statement about the death of the party shameless, insolent, monstrous, ignorant)<…>Put the question of the massacre of Kautsky in the KZO and vote: if the majority fails, I will come and flog this majority so that they will not forget until the next broom. But I need to know who will make up such a majority, who is capable of what.”

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 48, p. 254).

1917

“To become power, class-conscious workers must win the majority to their side: as long as there is no violence against the masses, there is no other path to power.”

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 31, p. 147).

July. middle

“The state is, first of all, detachments of armed people with material accessories like prisons,” wrote Friedrich Engels.”

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 34, p. 14).

Aug. Sept

“The state is a special organization of force, it is an organization of violence for the suppression of any class<…>The doctrine of class struggle, applied by Marx to the question of the state and the socialist revolution, necessarily leads to the recognition of the political dominance of the proletariat, its dictatorship, i.e. power not shared with anyone and based directly on the armed force of the masses<…>All previous revolutions have improved the state machine, but it must be smashed and broken<…>Them [oppressors, exploiters, capitalists. - G.Kh.] we must suppress in order to free humanity from wage slavery, their resistance must be broken by force - it is clear that where there is suppression, there is violence, there is no freedom, there is no democracy "

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 33, pp. 24, 26, 28, 89).

October revolution. Seizure of power. Now theoretical research can finally be put into practice.

Decree of the Council of People's Commissars "On the Press":

“...The Council of People's Commissars decides:

General regulations on the press

1. Only press organs are subject to closure: 1) calling for open resistance or disobedience to the Workers' and Peasants' Government; 2) sowing confusion through clearly slanderous distortion of facts; 3) calling for acts that are clearly criminal, i.e. of a criminal nature.

2. Prohibitions of press organs, temporary or permanent, are carried out only by resolution of the Council of People's Commissars.

3. This provision is temporary and will be canceled by a special decree upon the onset of normal conditions of public life.

Vladimir Ulyanov (Lenin)

(V.I. Lenin and the Cheka, 1975, pp. 15-16).

(Katsva, 1997, no. 37, p. 1).

Appeal from the Council of People's Commissars to the Military Revolutionary Committee:

“... The Council of People's Commissars invites the Military Revolutionary Committee to take the most decisive measures to eradicate profiteering and sabotage, hiding reserves, malicious delays of cargo, etc.

All persons guilty of such actions. are subject, according to special resolutions of the Military Revolutionary Committee, to immediate arrest and imprisonment in Kronstadt prisons, until they are brought before a military revolutionary court.

All popular organizations must be involved in the fight against food predators.

Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars

V. Ulyanov (Lenin)"

(V.I. Lenin and the Cheka, 1975, pp. 23-24).

Order of the Council of People's Commissars on the arrest of employees of the State Bank:

“Employees of the State Bank who refused to recognize the Government of Workers and Peasants - the Council of People's Commissars - and to hand over the affairs of the Bank should be arrested.

Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars

Vl. Ulyanov (Lenin)

Secretary of the Council of People's Commissars

N. Gorbunov"

(V.I. Lenin and the Cheka, 1975, p. 24).

Lenin signed an appeal from the Council of People's Commissars and the Military Revolutionary Committee, which, in particular, said: “All persons guilty of... profiteering... are subject to special punishment. resolutions of the Military Revolutionary Committee for immediate arrest"

(Rossi, 1991, p. 66).

Lenin to the Military Revolutionary Committee:

The Council of People's Commissars confirms the act of dissolution of the Moscow City Duma, issued by the Moscow Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies.

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 50, p. 7)

“The newspaper “Selsky Vestnik” ceases to exist. Its editor Shebunin is relieved of his position. Instead of the “Rural Bulletin”, “Village Poor” will be published, the editor of which is G.G. Berry.

Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars

Ulyanov (Lenin)"

(Vodovozova, Pankov, 1991, p. 5).

“Comrade Shlyapnikov and comrade. Dzerzhinsky

<…>The question in the Urals is very acute: the local (located in St. Petersburg) boards of the Ural factories must be arrested immediately, threatened with court (revolutionary) for creating a crisis in the Urals, and all Ural factories confiscated. Prepare a draft resolution as soon as possible"

(V.I. Lenin and the Cheka, 1975, p. 25).

Decree on the arrest of the leaders of the Cadet Party:

“Members of the leading institutions of the Cadet Party, as a party of enemies of the people, are subject to arrest and trial by revolutionary tribunals.

The local Soviets are charged with special supervision of the Cadet Party due to its connection with the Kornilov-Kaledin civil war against the revolution.

The decree comes into force from the moment it is signed.

Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars

Vl. Ulyanov (Lenin)

People's Commissars: N. Avilov (N. Glebov), P. Stuchka,

V. Menzhinsky, Dzhugashvili-Stalin,

G. Petrovsky, A. Shlichter, P. Dybenko

Administrator of the Council of People's Commissars

Vlad. Bonch-Bruevich

Secretary of the Council N. Gorbunov

10 ½ hours evenings"

(V.I. Lenin and the Cheka, 1975, p. 32).

From minutes No. 20 of the Council of People's Commissars meeting:

“The chairman is V.I. Lenin

8. On the possibility of a strike of employees in government agencies on a nationwide scale.

Resolved:

8. Instruct Comrade Dzerzhinsky to form a special commission to find out the possibility of combating such a strike through the most energetic revolutionary measures, to find out ways to suppress malicious sabotage.”

(V.I. Lenin and the Cheka, 1975, p. 33).

"8.XII.1917

Tt. Blagonravov and Bonch-Bruevich

The arrests, which must be made on the instructions of Comrade. Peters, are of exceptionally great importance and must be produced with great energy. Special measures must be taken to prevent the destruction of papers, escapes, concealment of documents, etc.

Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars

V. Ulyanov (Lenin)"

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 50, p. 18).

Lenin’s “Theses on the Constituent Assembly” were published in Pravda. They said, in particular: “The Republic of Soviets is a higher form of democracy than an ordinary bourgeois republic with a Constituent Assembly... The Constituent Assembly... comes into conflict with the will and interests of the working people and exploited classes, which began the socialist revolution against the bourgeoisie on October 25. Naturally, the interests of this revolution are higher than the formal rights of the Constituent Assembly... The only chance for a painless resolution of the crisis... is... an unconditional statement by the Constituent Assembly on the recognition of Soviet power."

(Katsva, 1997, no. 37, pp. 2-3).

1918

From the speech of V.I. Lenin in Petrograd on the issue of measures to combat hunger:

“... The facts of abuse are obvious, the profiteering is monstrous, but what have the soldiers and workers done among the masses to fight it? If you don’t rouse the masses to self-activity, nothing will come of it. It is necessary to convene a plenary meeting of the Council and decide to carry out mass searches in Petrograd and at freight stations. For searches, each factory, each company must assign detachments, those who do not want to are involved in searches, but everyone must be obliged to do the searches, under the threat of detachments, those who do not want to participate in searches must be attracted, but everyone must be obliged to do so, under the threat of being deprived of a bread card. Until we apply terror - execution on the spot - to speculators, nothing will come of it<…>The wealthy part of the population must be kept without bread for 3 days, since they have reserves of other products and can get them from speculators at high prices."

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 35, p. 311).

From the speech of V.I. Lenin in Petrograd:

“The old Bolshevik was right when he explained to the Cossack what Bolshevism was about. To the Cossack’s question: is it true that you Bolsheviks are robbing? - the old man answered: yes, we rob the loot.”

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 35, p. 327).

Having learned that on May 2 the Moscow Revolutionary Tribunal sentenced four employees of the Moscow Investigation Board to ½ year for bribery, V.I. Lenin wrote the following letter:

"In the Central Committee of the RCP

I ask you to put on the order of the day the question of expelling from the party those members who, as judges in the case (2.V. 1918) of bribe-takers, were limited to a sentence of ½ year in prison.

Instead of shooting bribe-takers, passing such mockingly weak and lenient sentences is a shameful act for a communist and revolutionary. Such comrades must be prosecuted in the court of public opinion and expelled from the party, because their place is next to the Kerenskys and Martovs, and not next to the communist revolutionaries.

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 36, p. 282).

On the same day he sent the following note to D.I. Kursky:

“It is necessary to immediately, with demonstrative speed, introduce a bill that penalties for bribery (extortion, bribery, summary of bribes, etc., etc.) should be no less than ten years in prison and, in addition, ten years of forced labor.”

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 50, p. 70).

At the insistence of V.I. Lenin, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee reviewed the case [not the court, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee! - G.Kh.] and three of the accused were sentenced to 10 years in prison (PSS V.I. Lenin, vol. 50, p. 424).

IN AND. Lenin addressed the workers of Petrograd with a letter “On Hunger,” calling on them to “organize a great “crusade” against grain speculators, kulaks, world-eaters<…>violators of the strictest state order in the collection, delivery and distribution of grain"

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 36, pp. 357-364).

Due to the difficult food situation in the country, V.I. Lenin writes “Theses on the Current Moment,” which, in particular, said:

“1) Transform the Military Commissariat into the Military Food Commissariat, i.e. concentrate 9/10 of the work of the Military Commissariat on remaking the army for the war for bread and on waging such a war - for 3 months: June - August.

2) Declare martial law throughout the country for the same time.

3) Mobilize the army, highlighting its healthy parts, and call on 19-year-olds, at least in some areas, for systematic military operations to conquer, recapture, collect and transport grain and fuel.

4) Introduce execution for indiscipline.

<…>9) Introduce mutual liability for the entire detachment, for example, the threat of shooting the tenth, for each case of robbery.”

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 36, pp. 374, 375).

IN AND. Lenin - To an unidentified person:

“Note from an unidentified person: The question is urgent - Ter-Gabrielyan is waiting, and a train is waiting for him.

Note from V.I. Lenin:

"How? Has he left yet?

I have already signed one certificate for him.

Can you also tell Theroux that he would prepare everything for the complete burning of Baku in the event of an invasion, and that he would announce this in print in Baku?

(V.I. Lenin. Unknown documents, 1999, p. 239).

“G.E. ZINOVIEV

Also Lashevich and other members of the Central Committee

Comrade Zinoviev! Only today we heard in the Central Committee that in St. Petersburg the workers wanted to respond to the murder of Volodarsky with mass terror and that you (not you personally, but the St. Petersburg Tsekists or Pekists) restrained it.

I strongly protest!

We are compromising ourselves: even in the resolutions of the Council of Deputies we threaten with mass terror, but when it comes down to it, we slow down the revolutionary initiative of the masses, which is quite correct.

This is impossible!

Hello! Lenin

P.S. Squads and squads: use the victory in the re-elections. If the people of St. Petersburg move 10-20 thousand to the Tambov province and the Urals, etc., they will save themselves and the entire revolution, it is quite and certain. The harvest is gigantic, it will only last a few weeks.”

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 50, p. 106).

From the speech of V.I. Lenin at the V All-Russian Congress of Soviets:

“A revolutionary who does not want to be a hypocrite cannot refuse the death penalty<…>They refer to decrees abolishing the death penalty. But a bad revolutionary is one who, at a moment of acute struggle, stops before the inviolability of the law. Laws in transitional times have temporary significance. And if a law hinders the development of the revolution, it is repealed or amended.”

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 36, pp. 503, 504).

"TO THE SUPREME MILITARY COUNCIL

Send from Moscow today;

Immediately give me the names of 6 (former) generals (and addresses) and 12 (former) General Staff officers responsible for the accurate and accurate execution of this order, warning that they will be shot for sabotage if they do not comply.

M.D. Bonch-Bruevich must answer this in writing immediately via the scooter driver.

Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars V. Ulyanov (Lenin)"

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 50, p. 141).

From a letter from G.F. Fedorov:

"9.VIII.1918

Comrade Fedorov!

In Nizhny, a White Guard uprising is clearly being prepared. We must exert all our efforts, form a troika of dictators (you, Markin, etc.), immediately impose mass terror, shoot and take away hundreds of prostitutes who solder soldiers, former officers, etc.

Not a minute of delay<…>

We must act with all our might: massive searches. Executions for possession of weapons. Mass deportation of Mensheviks and unreliables..."

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 50, p. 142).

Gubernia Executive Committee

Copy of Evgenia Bogdanovna Bosch

I received your telegram. It is necessary to organize enhanced security from selected reliable people, to carry out merciless mass terror against the kulaks, priests and White Guards; doubtful ones are locked up in a concentration camp outside the city. Launch the expedition. Telegraph execution.

Pre-People's Commissar Lenin"

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 50, pp. 143-144).

From a note by V.I. Lenina A.D. Tsyurupe:

“...(2) The draft decree - in each grain volost there are 25-30 hostages from the rich, who are responsible with their lives for collecting and dumping all surplus

(3) Order Popov quickly: District outfits. Those. How much surplus bread should there be in each volost? How much should which one give?<…>

I propose not to take “hostages”, but to assign them by name to the volosts.

Purpose of assignment: it is the rich, as they are responsible for the indemnity, who are responsible with their lives for the immediate collection and dumping of surplus grain.

The following instructions (to appoint “hostages”) are given

(α) committees of the poor,

(β) to all food detachments."

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 50, pp. 144-145).

Note from V.I. Lenina, A.D. Tsyurupa and E. Sklyansky via direct wire to Penza:

“To the Chairman of the Penza Provincial Executive Committee

When suppressing the uprising of the five volosts, make every effort and use all measures in order to remove all surplus grain from the hands of the holders, doing this simultaneously with the suppression of the uprising. To do this, for each volost, appoint [do not take, but appoint] hostages from the kulaks, the rich and world-eaters, on whom you entrust the responsibility of collecting and transporting to the indicated stations or marked points and handing over to the authorities all the surplus grain.

The hostages are responsible with their lives for the exact execution of the imposition of indemnity in the shortest possible time; this measure must be carried out decisively, promptly and mercilessly under your responsibility, the provincial food commissar and the military commissar. Why are these persons given the appropriate powers?<…>

Predsovnarkom V. Ulyanov (Lenin)

People's Commissar of Labor Tsyurupa

People's Commissar Sklyansky"

(Kozhin, 2000, p. 5).

From a telegram from V.I. Lenin to the Vologda Gubernia Executive Committee:

“It is necessary to immediately mobilize the bourgeoisie to dig trenches.”

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 50, p. 147).

IN AND. Lenin - letter to V.V. Kuraev, E.B. Bosch, A.E. Minkin:

"11.VIII.1918

Comrades Kuraev, Bosch, Minkin and other Penza communists.

Comrades! The uprising of the five kulak volosts must lead to merciless suppression. This is required by the interests of the entire revolution, because now everywhere there is a “last decisive battle” with the kulaks. You need to give a sample.

1) Hang (be sure to hang so that the people can see) at least 100 known kulaks, rich people, Bloodsuckers.

3) Take away all their bread.

4) Assign hostages - according to yesterday's telegram.

Make it so that hundreds of miles around people see, tremble, know, shout: they are strangling and will strangle the bloodsucking kulaks.

Wire receipt and execution.

Your Lenin.

P.S. Find tougher people."

(V.I. Lenin. Unknown documents, 1999, p. 246).

IN AND. Lenin and F.E. Dzerzhinsky signed arrest warrants for their recent comrades in the struggle, Menshevik leaders L. Martov, F. Dan, A. Potresov and Goldman

(Werth, 1999, p. 96).

Telegram to V.I. Lenin to the Livensky Executive Committee:

"20.VIII.1918

I welcome the energetic suppression of kulaks and White Guards in the district. It is necessary to strike while the iron is hot and, without missing a minute, organize the poor in the district, confiscate all the grain and all property from the rebel kulaks, hang the instigators from the kulaks, mobilize and arm the poor under reliable leaders from our detachment, arrest hostages from the rich and hold them until all the surplus grain is collected and dumped in their volosts. Telegraph execution. Send part of the exemplary Iron Regiment immediately to Penza.

Pre-People's Commissar Lenin"

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 50, p. 160).

From a telegram from V.I. Lenina A.K. Pikes:

“...I temporarily advise you to appoint your bosses and shoot conspirators and hesitators, without asking anyone and without allowing idiotic red tape...”

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 50, p. 165).

From a letter from V.I. Lenina A.G. Shlyapnikov:

“...Strive with all your might to catch and shoot Astrakhan speculators and bribe-takers...”

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 50, p. 219).

December (until the 23rd)

The fundamental passage from the book by V.I. Lenin "The Proletarian Revolution and the Renegade Kautsky":

“Dictatorship is power based directly on violence, not bound by any laws.

The revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat is power won and maintained by the violence of the proletariat over the bourgeoisie, power not bound by any laws.”

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 50, p. 245).

1919

The Council of Workers' and Peasants' Defense (chaired by V.I. Lenin) adopted the following Resolution:

“The Council of Workers' and Peasants' Defense at a meeting on February 15 of this year, having heard the question of exempting all kinds of population from mobilization at a distance of 20 miles from the railway line, decided:

Instruct Sklyansky, Markov, Petrovsky and Dzerzhinsky to immediately arrest several members of the executive committees and committees of the poor in those areas where snow clearing is not being entirely satisfactory. In the same areas, take hostages from the peasants with the understanding that if the snow is not cleared, they will be shot. A report on the execution with information on the number of those arrested will be scheduled in a week.

Secretary"

(V.I. Lenin and the Cheka, 1975, pp. 152-153).

March

IN AND. Lenin to American journalist Lincoln Steffens:

“We must find some way to get rid of the bourgeoisie, the upper classes. They will not allow us to make any economic changes that they would not have made before the revolution; so they need to be kicked out of here. I myself don’t see how we can scare them so that they get out of Russia without mass executions. Of course, when abroad, they will pose the same threat; however, emigrants are not so harmful. The only solution I see is for the threat of the Red Terror to spread the terror and force them to flee."

(Latyshev, 1996, p. 205).

IN AND. Lenin and N.N. Krestinsky - G.E. Zinoviev:

“... Send the completely trustworthy to the Don, the unreliable to concentration camps, the undetermined to Oryol and similar non-front-line, but not hungry provinces...”

(V.I. Lenin. Unknown documents.., 1999, p. 289).

IN AND. Lenin - I.V. To Stalin:

“As for foreigners, I advise you not to rush into deportation. Wouldn’t it be better to go to a concentration camp and then exchange them?”

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 50, p. 335).

From the Letter of the Central Committee of the RCP (b) to all party organizations “Everyone to fight Denikin!”, written by V.I. Lenin:

“We only note that the petty-bourgeois democrats closest to the Soviet government, who call themselves, as usual, socialists, for example, some of the “left” Mensheviks, etc., especially like to be indignant at the “barbaric”, in their opinion, method of taking hostages.

Let them be indignant, but wars cannot be waged without this, and when the danger worsens, the use of this means must, in every sense, be expanded and more frequent. Often, for example, Menshevik or yellow printers, railroad workers from among the “managers” and secret speculators, kulaks, the propertied part of the urban (and rural) population, and similar elements approach the matter of defense from Kolchak and from Denikin with an infinitely criminal and infinitely impudent indifference that goes beyond into sabotage. It is necessary to draw up lists of such groups (or force them to form groups with mutual responsibility) and not only put them in trench work, as is often practiced, but also entrust them with the most varied and comprehensive material assistance from the Red Army.”

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 39, p. 62).

“Frunze. Cipher.

Particularly carefully discuss how to seize oil in Guryev, this is a must, act with bribery and the threat of the wholesale extermination of the Cossacks if they burn the oil in Guryev. Answer quickly and more accurately.

(V.I. Lenin Unknown documents.., 1999, p. 297).

IN AND. Lenin, in his article “How the bourgeoisie uses renegades”, wrote:

“... It is an outright lie that the Bolsheviks were opponents of the death penalty for the era of the revolution. At the Second Congress of our party, in 1903, when Bolshevism arose, the party program was drawn up, and the minutes of the congress indicate that the idea of ​​​​introducing the abolition of the death penalty into the program only caused mocking exclamations: “and for Nicholas II?” Even the Mensheviks in 1903 did not dare to vote on proposals to abolish the death penalty for the Tsar.” And in 1917, during the Kerensky regime, I wrote in Pravda that not a single revolutionary government can do without the death penalty and that the whole question is only against which class is the weapon of the death penalty directed by this government ... "

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 39, pp. 183-184).

IN AND. Lenin - L.D. Trotsky:

“...It is devilishly important for us to finish with Yudenich (namely, to finish - to finish off). If the offensive has begun, is it possible to mobilize another 20 thousand St. Petersburg workers? plus 10 thousand bourgeoisie, put machine guns behind them, shoot several hundred and achieve real mass pressure on Yudenich..."

(V.I. Lenin. Unknown documents.., 1999, p. 304).

December

IN AND. Lenin – Politburo of the Central Committee of the RCP (b):

“It is necessary to immediately establish a practical, brief, but significant form of reporting (2 times a month) for each party worker from Ukraine.

5-10 questions highlight the most important ones. Approved by the Politburo.

Arrest for failure to send reports.

Otherwise we’ll miss Ukraine.”

(V.I. Lenin. Unknown documents.., 1999, p. 314).

1920

IN AND. Lenin to the Chairman of the Revolutionary Military Light of the 5th Army Smirnov:

“I was informed about obvious sabotage among railway workers<…>They tell me that the workers of Izhevsk are also participating in this. I am surprised by your conciliation and the fact that you did not carry out mass reprisals against saboteurs” (Werth, 1999, p. 109).

IN AND. Lenin - L.D. Trotsky:

“The bread ration should be reduced for those who do not work in the transport sector, which is decisive today, and increased for those who work in it. Let thousands of people die, if necessary, but the country must be saved” (Werth, 1999, p. 109).

Excerpts from the speech of V.I. Lenin at the IV Conference of Provincial Extraordinary Commissions:

“Although, on the initiative of Comrade Dzerzhinsky, after the capture of Rostov, the death penalty was abolished, at the very beginning a reservation was made that we would not turn a blind eye to the possibility of reinstating executions. For us, this question is determined by the expediency<…>Before and after the October Revolution, we stood at the point of view that the birth of a new system is impossible without revolutionary violence, that all the complaints and complaints that we hear from the non-party petty-bourgeois intelligentsia represent only a reaction<…>History has shown that without revolutionary violence it is impossible to achieve victory. Without revolutionary violence directed at the direct enemies of the workers and peasants, it is impossible to break the resistance of these exploiters. And on the other hand, revolutionary violence cannot but manifest itself in relation to the shaky, uncontrolled elements of the working masses themselves” (Lenin, PSS, vol. 40, pp. 113-121).

IN AND. Lenin - I.V. To Stalin:

“... Threaten with execution that slob who, in charge of communications, does not know how to give you a good amplifier and ensure that the telephone connection with me is fully operational...”

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 51, p. 134).

“Sklyansky: Send encryption to Smirnov (Rvs 5)

Don’t spread any news about Kolchak, don’t print absolutely anything, and after we occupy Irkutsk, send a strictly official telegram explaining that the local authorities before our arrival did this and that under the influence of Kappel’s threat and the danger of White Guard conspiracies in Irkutsk.

the signature is also a code

1) are you going to do it extremely reliably?..”

(V.I. Lenin. Unknown documents..., 1999, p. 329).

IN AND. Lenin - I.T. Smilge and G.K. Ordzhonikidze:

“... We desperately need oil, consider a manifesto to the population that we will slaughter everyone if oil and oil fields are burned or spoiled, and on the contrary, we will give life to everyone if Maikop and especially Grozny are handed over intact...”

(V.I. Lenin. Unknown documents.., 1999, p. 330).

IN AND. Lenin - I.N. Smirnov:

“No conditions with the Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviks: either they submit to us without any conditions, or they will be arrested.”

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 51, p. 156).

Speech by V.I. Lenin at the III All-Russian Congress of Trade Unions: “... Dictatorial power and one-man rule do not contradict socialist democracy<…>Everyone knows that Marxism is a theoretical justification for the abolition of classes.”

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 40, pp. 301, 303).

“Protocol vol. Belenky, Ivanychev and Gabalin, it was established that by order of the head of the sanatorium, Comrade. Weber was cut down on June 14, 1920, a completely healthy spruce in the sanatorium park.

For allowing such damage to Soviet property, I order Comrade Weber, the head of the sanatorium on the Soviet estate of Gorki, to be arrested for 1 month. The sentence is to be carried out by the Podolsk district executive committee<…>

Chairman of the Council of Labor and Defense

14.VI.1920. V. Ulyanov (Lenin)"

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 41, p. 151).

IN AND. Lenin to the Fuel Department of the Moscow Soviet of Workers' Deputies:

“... If heroic measures are not taken, I will personally carry out not only arrests of all responsible persons, but also executions in the Council of Defense and the Central Committee...”

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 51, p. 216).

Something is unknown about Napoleon, Hitler or Stalin themselves arresting and shooting their careless subordinates...

IN AND. Lenin - Politburo of the Central Committee of the RCP (b) regarding the proposal to let F. Nansen into Russia:

“In my opinion, don’t let him in yet. We have to keep an eye on him. – G.Kh.] there is no one. We'll miss it.

If other members of the Bureau are in favor of letting him in, then I am making an amendment: there is absolutely no one with him.

24/VI. Lenin"

(V.I. Lenin. Unknown documents.., 1999, p. 349).

“To the Chairman of the Petrograd Executive Committee, Comrade Zinoviev

The famous physiologist Pavlov asks to go abroad due to his difficult financial situation. It is hardly rational to let Pavlov go abroad, since he previously spoke out in the sense that, being a truthful person, he would not be able, if relevant conversations arise, not to speak out against Soviet power and communism in Russia.

Meanwhile, this scientist represents such great cultural value that it is impossible to allow him to be forcibly kept in Russia under conditions of material insecurity.

In view of this, it would be desirable, as an exception, to provide him with extra-normal rations and generally take care of a more or less comfortable environment for him, unlike others ... "

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 51, p. 222).

"By direct wire

Uralsk, Revkom of the Ural region

Presidium of the Executive Committee, Saratov

Copy of Avksentievsky, copy of Uralsk, Gubernia Communist Party,

Saratov, gubkompart

Former division commander of the 2nd Turkdivision Sapozhkov raised an uprising in the Buzuluk region<…>In order to ensure the fight against Sapozhkov and prevent his hasty escape, I propose:<…>from villages lying on the route of Sapozhkov’s detachments, take hostages in order to prevent the possibility of assistance..."

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 51, p. 348).

Speech by V.I. Lenin at the III Congress of the RKSM.

“...What do we need to take from the old school, from the old science? The old school declared that it wanted to create a comprehensively educated person, that it taught science in general. We know that this was completely false, for the entire society was founded and maintained on the division of people into classes, into exploiters and oppressed. Naturally, the entire old school, being entirely imbued with the class spirit, gave knowledge only to the children of the bourgeoisie. Every word she said was forged in the interests of the bourgeoisie<…>Rejecting the old school, we set ourselves the task of taking from it only what we need in order to achieve a real communist education<…>The old school was a school of study, it forced people to absorb a lot of unnecessary, superfluous, dead knowledge that filled their heads and turned the younger generation into officials fitted to the general rank<…>

It is necessary that the whole task of upbringing, educating and teaching modern youth should be the inculcation of communist morality in them. But does communist morality exist? Does communist morality exist? Of course yes<…>Our morality is completely subordinated to the interests of the class struggle of the proletariat. Our morality is derived from the interests of the class struggle of the proletariat<…>We say: morality is what serves to destroy the old exploitative society and unite all working people around the proletariat, creating a new society of communists.”

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 41, pp. 303, 309, 311).

end of October – November

IN AND. Lenin - E.M. Sklyansky:

“... Take military measures, that is, try to punish Latvia and Est [land] militarily (for example, “on the shoulders” of Balakhovich, cross the border somewhere even 1 mile and hang 100-1000 officials and rich people there)”

(V.I. Lenin. Unknown documents.., 1999, p. 399).

“...great plan! Finish it together with Dzerzhinsky. Under the guise of the “greens” (we will then blame them on them) we will walk 10-20 miles and outweigh the kulaks, priests, and landowners. Prize: 100,000 rubles for a hanged man"

(ibid., p. 400).

Closing remarks by V.I. Lenin at the VIII All-Russian Congress of Soviets:

“... We have heard here about the unity of the proletariat and now we have seen in practice that the unity of the proletariat in the era of social revolution can only be achieved by the extreme revolutionary party of Marxism, only by mercilessly fighting against all other parties.”

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 42, p. 173).

end of December

IN AND. Lenin - G.M. Krzhizhanovsky:

“... to mobilize all without exception engineers, electrical engineers, all those who graduated from the Faculty of Physics and Mathematics, etc. Responsibility: at least 2 (4?) lectures per week, train at least (10-50?) people in electricity. If you do it, there's a bonus. If you don’t comply, you’ll end up in prison.”

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 52, p. 38).

1921

"T. Molotov!

Were there no personal responsibilities? It is absolutely necessary to always appoint them in order to know exactly who is to be reprimanded and who is to be arrested. This is the only way to work..."

(V.I. Lenin. Unknown documents.., 1999, p. 438).

"T. Bryukhanov!

Apparently, communist food discipline is weakening, and very significantly.

This is absolutely unacceptable.

We must pull it up with all our might, and immediately, otherwise we will not get rid of hunger.

1) The People's Commissariat for Food must establish responsible persons in the provinces and districts in order to know who to imprison (1) as a product? 2) pre-executive committee? 3) conscript?? At least 3 responsible persons are required).

2) Not a single violation (taken from what was assigned to the center) should be left without the arrest of the perpetrators (through the All-Russian Central Executive Committee).

You write long pieces of paper with complaints, or rather with tears, instead of business proposals:

“to oblige the All-Russian Central Executive Committee to arrest such and such for failure to comply with orders, which led to the famine of the center.”

These are the proposals that NKprod should submit to the Politburo.

3) Now begin a similar campaign of merciless arrests of local provincial food committees, etc. for negligence, lack of preparation, etc.

NKprod will be responsible for the unpreparedness of the apparatus and for its lack of execution"

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 52, pp. 211-212).

In connection with the III Congress of the Comintern opening in Moscow in June, V.I. Lenin decided to organize “Potemkin Villages” in the capital and sent the commissioner of the Moscow Regional Food Committee A.B. Khalatov the following note:

"T. Robes!

Your feedback?

1) Will you be able to give the Moscow workers wheat by the opening day of the International Congress? How many?

2) To what extent is improvement in the grain situation guaranteed for St. Petersburg and Moscow during June?

No need for details.

Maximum 2-4 digits in cars.

29. V. Lenin"

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 52, p. 221).

“In response to V.I.’s note. Lenina A.B. Khalatov reported that during the month of June Moscow would be regularly provided with bread at the rate of 2/3 pounds per day for workers, 1/2 pound for children, 1/3 pound for employees (20% more in Petrograd). In addition, by the opening of the Third Congress of the Comintern, two pounds of beans will be given to workers, a pound to employees and a pound of rice to children” (PSS V.I. Lenin, vol. 52, p. 415).

Report by V.I. Lenin at the Third Congress of the Comintern:

“... The task of socialism is to abolish classes. At the forefront of the exploiting class are large landowners and capitalist industrialists.<…>But besides this class of exploiters<…>there is a class of small producers and small farmers. The main question of the revolution now lies in the struggle against these last two classes. To get rid of them, it is necessary to use different methods than in the fight against large landowners and capitalists. We could simply expropriate the last two classes and drive them away, which is what we did. But with the last capitalist classes, with the small producers and with the petty bourgeoisie, who exist in all countries, we cannot do this. In most capitalist countries these classes represent a very strong minority, approximately 30 to 45% of the population. If we add to them the petty-bourgeois element of the working class, the figure will be even more than 50%. They cannot be expropriated or driven away - here the struggle must be conducted differently.”

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 44, pp. 39, 41).

IN AND. Lenin - L.A. Fotieva:

“... 3) When sending a letter to Molotov, add from me: I propose to send a Control Commission to the Don from a member of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee + 10 (or 20) Sverdlovtsians (take the author with you) and shoot on the spot whoever is convicted of robbery" (Lenin, PSS, t 53, p. 27).

“In the Politburo of the Central Committee of the RCP (b)

“Pass through the Politburo and through the service station:

1) punish Badaev and his two closest employees with arrest for 1 Sunday for failure to comply with the order of the STO;

2) warn him and them: next time – for a month and we’ll drive him away.”

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 53, p. 56).

IN AND. Lenin - A.I. Potyaev, V.A. Avanesov:

“... 1) A severe reprimand and, in my opinion, personal arrest for Nepryakhin and the culprit in the All-Union Central Council of Trade Unions for red tape and lack of management and violation of the order of the STO” (Lenin, PSS, vol. 53, p. 58).

IN AND. Lenin - V.A. Smolyaninov:

“We need to: 1) speed things up,

2) bring the perpetrators to justice

for red tape (11 months!!!).

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 53, p. 70).

IN AND. Lenin - G.I. Myasnikov:

“... We don’t believe in “absolutes”. We laugh at “pure democracy”.

The slogan of “freedom of the press” became world famous at the end of the Middle Ages and up to the 19th century.”

And then, therefore, he was not there. What is the letter about then?...

"Why? Because he expressed the progressive bourgeoisie, i.e. her struggle against priests and kings, feudal lords, landowners.

There is not a single country in the world that has done and is doing so much to liberate the masses from the influence of priests and landowners, like the RSFSR. We have accomplished this task of “freedom of the press” and are performing it better than anyone else in the world.

Freedom of the press all over the world, where there are capitalists, there is freedom to buy newspapers, buy writers, bribe and buy and fabricate “public opinion” in favor of the bourgeoisie.

It is a fact.

No one will ever be able to refute it.

And we have? Can anyone deny that the bourgeoisie is defeated, but not destroyed? Why is she hiding? There's no denying it.

Freedom of the press in the RSFSR, surrounded by bourgeois enemies all over the world, is freedom of political organization of the bourgeoisie and its most faithful servants, the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries.

This is an irrefutable fact<…>

We don’t want to commit suicide and therefore we won’t do it.

We clearly see the fact: “freedom of the press” in fact means the immediate purchase by the international bourgeoisie of hundreds and thousands of Kadet and Menshevik writers and the organization of their propaganda, their struggle against us.

It is a fact. “They” are richer than us and will buy “strength” ten times greater than our existing strength.

No. We won’t do this, we won’t help the global bourgeoisie.”

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 44, see 78-79).

IN AND. Lenin to the Small Council of People's Commissars:

“Our houses are dirty - vile. The law is good for nothing. It is necessary to indicate 10 times more accurately and completely the responsible persons (and not just one, but many, in order of priority) and put them in prison mercilessly.”

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 53, pp. 106-107).

IN AND. Lenin - I.V. To Stalin and all members of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the RCP (b):

“... I propose: today, Friday, 26/8, by resolution of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, to dissolve “Kukish” - motive: their refusal to work, their resolution. Assign one vechekist to receive and liquidate.

Arrest Prokopovich today on charges of anti-government speech (at a meeting where Runov was present) and hold him for three months while we thoroughly examine this meeting.

The remaining members of “Kukish” should be immediately, today, expelled from Moscow, placing one at a time in district towns, if possible, without railways, under supervision.”

In response to the belated petition of the Russian Physico-Chemical Society for the release of Professor M.M. Tikhvinsky, who was shot on August 25, or he himself specifically responded belatedly to V.I. Lenin noted: “Tikhvinsky was not “accidentally” arrested: chemistry and counter-revolution are not mutually exclusive.”

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 53, p. 169).

IN AND. Lenin - Ya.A. Berzin:

“...About “Who Helps Hunger” you are also wrong. They should have been arrested..."

(V.I. Lenin. Unknown documents..., 1999, p. 468).

IN AND. Lenin to the Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the Byelorussian SSR:

“... Teumin’s report to the People’s Commissariat for Foreign Trade does not respond to the request of the STO<…>The Economic Conference of Belarus sends either unsubscribes or unsatisfactory answers. Please immediately<…>investigate the case and bring those responsible for red tape and sabotage to justice.”

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 53, p. 254).

IN AND. Lenin - G.V. Chicherin in response to his complaints about the atrocities of the security officers against American, German and Turkish diplomats:

"T. Chicherin! I completely agree with you. You are to blame for your weakness. We must not “talk” and not only “write”, but propose (and we must do this on time, and not be late) to the Politburo:

1) send, by agreement with the People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs, an arch-firm person,

2) arrest the lousy security officers and bring the perpetrators to Moscow and shoot them.”

(“Izvestia of the Central Committee of the CPSU, 1990, No. 4, p. 185”).

"Propose to the Politburo<…>shoot” - what? Will the Politburo members themselves be shot?

IN AND. Lenin - A.D. Tsyurupe:

“... There are also few executions (I am for execution in such cases). They say that state property is being stolen monstrously in this way” (Lenin, PSS, vol. 54, p. 57).

1922

IN AND. Lenin - I.S. Unshlikhtu:

“The transparency of revolutionary tribunals is not always the case; strengthen their composition with “yours” [i.e. Cheka - G.Kh.] people, strengthen their connection (in every way) with the Cheka; increase the speed and force of their repressions, increase the attention of the Central Committee to this. The slightest increase in banditry, etc. should entail martial law and executions on the spot. SNK will be able to do this quickly if you don’t miss it, and you can do it over the phone.”

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 54, p. 144).

IN AND. Lenin - G.E. Zinoviev:

"Top secret<…>As for the Mensheviks, you are absolutely right that we must answer unconditionally in the negative. I think that you are also guilty on this point of unjustified indulgences. For example, it was decided not to release Rozhkov. Meanwhile, he was released without any decision from the Politburo. I think that nothing but harm will come from such a policy.”

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 54, p. 149).

T. Unshlikhtu

There is no way I can be in the Politburo. I'm getting worse.

I think there is no need for me.

The matter now is only a matter of purely technical measures leading to our courts intensifying (and making faster) repression against the Mensheviks.

And the courts and the Council of People's Commissars or the All-Russian Central Executive Committee.

With com. Hello Lenin"

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 54, p. 149).

IN AND. Lenin - D.I. Kursky:

“Copies: 1) Molotov for members of the Politburo

2) A.D. Tsyurupe

3) Rykov (when he arrives)

4) Comrade Enukidze for members

Presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee.

With a special request: do not reproduce, only

show on receipt, don’t let anyone talk,

don't blab in front of your enemies.

Comrade Kursky!

The activities of the People's Commissariat of Justice, apparently, are not yet at all adapted to the new economic policy.

Previously, the military bodies of the Soviet Power were mainly the People's Commissariat of Military Affairs and the Cheka. Now a particularly combative role falls to the lot of the People's Commissariat of Justice; Unfortunately, there is no understanding of this on the part of the leaders and main figures of the NKUST.

Intensifying repression against the political enemies of the Soviet government and agents of the bourgeoisie (especially the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries); carrying out this repression by revolutionary tribunals and people's courts in the most rapid and revolutionary expedient manner; the obligatory staging of a number of exemplary (in terms of speed and force of repression; in explaining to the masses, through the courts and through the press, their meaning) trials in Moscow, St. Petersburg, Kharkov and several other important centers; influence on people's judges and members of revolutionary tribunals through the party in the sense of improving the functioning of the courts and increasing repression; - all this must be carried out systematically, persistently, persistently<…>

Each member of the NKUST board, each figure in this department should be assessed according to his service record, after a certificate: how many communists have you thrown into prison three times more severely than non-party ones for the same offenses? How many bureaucrats have you thrown into prison for bureaucracy and red tape? How many merchants have you brought under execution or other, not toy (as in Moscow, under the nose of the NKUST) punishment for abusing the NEP?<…>

I suggest you

1) read my letter to all members of the NKUST board;

2) also - at a meeting of 100-200 exclusively communists who practically work in the field of civil, criminal and state law;

3) prohibit, under pain of party liability, from chatting about it (about this letter), because showing our strategy to our enemies is stupid<…>

Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars V. Ulyanov (Lenin)

P.S. There should not be the slightest mention of my letter in the press. Let whoever wants to speak behind his signature, without mentioning me, and more specific data!”

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 44, pp. 396-400).

IN AND. Lenin - Y.Kh. Peters:

“... With a bribe, etc., etc. The state political administration can and should fight and punish by execution in court. The GPU must enter into an agreement with the People’s Commissariat of Justice and, through the Politburo, issue an appropriate directive to both the People’s Commissariat of Justice and all authorities...”

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 54, p. 196).

IN AND. Lenin - L.B. Kamenev:

“... It is a great mistake to think that the NEP put an end to terror. We will return to terror and economic terror<…>

I would suggest: instructing the Presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee to immediately adopt the following resolution:

In view of the disgrace with the red tape on the deal (such and such) on the purchase of food for soviet rubles, order the State Political Directorate (to be frightened!) to find those responsible for the red tape and imprison for 6 hours those working in Moscow Gubekoso and for 36 hours those working in Vneshtorg (of course, except for the members All-Russian Central Executive Committee: we have almost parliamentary immunity)<…>

No response after 3 hours? The same 4 lines of complaint over the phone.

And idiots walk and talk for two weeks! For this we should rot in prison, and not create confiscations. Muscovites for stupidity for 6 hours of bedbugs. Foreign traders for stupidity plus “central responsibility” for 36 hours of bedbugs”

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 44, p. 429).

Letter from V.I. Lenina V.M. Molotov for members of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the RCP (b) [the most important passages are given]

"Strictly confidential

We ask that you do not make copies under any circumstances, but that each member of the Politburo (Comrade Kalinin too) make his own notes on the document itself.

To Comrade Molotov for members of the Politburo

... the Black Hundred clergy, led by their leader, are completely deliberately carrying out a plan to give us a decisive battle at this very moment<…>for us, exactly in this moment represents not only an extremely favorable, but generally the only moment when we have a 99th out of 100 chance of complete success to completely defeat the enemy and secure the positions we need for many decades. It is now and only now, when people are being eaten in starved areas and hundreds, if not thousands of corpses are lying on the roads, that we can (and therefore must) carry out the confiscation of church valuables with the most furious and merciless energy and without stopping to suppress any resistance<…>We must, at all costs, carry out the confiscation of church valuables in the most decisive and fastest manner, in which we can secure for ourselves a fund of several hundred million gold rubles. Without this fund, no government work in general, no economic construction in particular, and no defense of one’s position in Genoa in particular, are completely unthinkable<…>

One intelligent writer on government issues rightly said that if it is necessary to carry out a series of cruelties in order to achieve a certain political goal, then they must be carried out in the most energetic manner and in the shortest possible time, because the masses of the people will not tolerate prolonged use of cruelty<…>

I imagine the campaign itself to carry out this plan as follows:

Only comrade should officially speak at any event. Kalinin, - never and under no circumstances should Comrade speak either in print or in any other way before the public. Trotsky<…>

Send to Shuya one of the most energetic, intelligent and managerial members of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee or other representatives of the central government (better one than several)<…>, so that in Shuya he would arrest as many as possible, no less than several dozen representatives of the local clergy, local philistinism and local bourgeoisie on suspicion of direct or indirect participation in the matter of violent resistance to the decree of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee on the confiscation of church valuables. Immediately upon completion of this work, he must come to Moscow and personally make a report at a full meeting of the Politburo or before two authorized members of the Politburo. Based on this report, the Politburo will give a detailed directive to the judicial authorities, also verbally, so that the trial against the Shuya rebels who are resisting aid to the starving [as we saw above, no “help to the starving” was intended - this is a fairy tale for judges. – G.Kh.], was carried out with maximum speed and ended with the execution of a very large number of the most influential and dangerous Black Hundreds of the city of Shuya, and, if possible, also not only of this city. and Moscow and several other spiritual centers<…>The more representatives of the reactionary clergy and the reactionary bourgeoisie we manage to shoot on this occasion, the better<…>

To oversee the fastest and most successful implementation of these measures, appoint immediately at the congress, i.e. at its secret meeting, a special commission with the obligatory participation of Comrade Trotsky and Comrade Kalinin, without any publication about this commission, so that the subordination of all operations to it was ensured and carried out not on behalf of the commission, but in an all-Soviet and all-party manner<…>

I ask Comrade Molotov to try to send this letter to the members of the Politburo round-robin today (without making copies) and ask them to return it to the secretary immediately<…>

(“Izvestia of the Central Committee of the CPSU”, 1990, No. 4, pp. 190-193).

In connection with the letter from the editor of the newspaper “Rabochiy” K.S. Eremeev in the Politburo of the Central Committee of the RCP (b) with a protest against the directive of the Organizing Bureau of the Central Committee of the RCP (b) of March 6 to reduce the size of the newspaper, change its character and content V.I. Lenin writes the following letter to V.M. Molotov for members of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the RCP (b):

“To Comrade Molotov for members of the Politburo

I have a letter from Solts, who, based on his experience, speaks out against the Rabochiy newspaper. It serves, they say, only to feed excess writers, without at all creating either a new type of newspaper or a new circle of readers. I think that it would be more correct to close this newspaper, give it a short period of time for liquidation, and use the freed up forces and funds to improve existing newspapers.

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 54, pp. 216-217).

"T. Kursk!

In my opinion, it is necessary to expand the use of execution (with replacement by deportation abroad). See p. 1 below to all types of activities of the Mensheviks, Socialist-Revolutionaries, etc.;

Find a wording that connects these actions with the international bourgeoisie and its fight against us (bribery of the press and agents, preparations for war, etc.).

Please return quickly with your feedback,

15/V. Lenin"

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 45, p. 189).

“16 – V – 22 Secret

Comrade Osinsky!

In my opinion, the editor of Selskhozyaystvennaya Zhizn should be removed, and Weinstein and Oganovsky should be placed under special supervision. This is my conclusion after reading Agricultural Life No. 34 (75). Show this letter in strict confidence. Yakovenko and Teodorovich (the latter is purely guilty) and return it to me with the addition of information about the editor A.N. Morosanov (?) and two others in more detail. Their experience, etc. in more detail. These are probably the right-wing Socialist Revolutionaries, to whom you three “fell” as victims.

What measures are you three taking to ensure this can't happen again?

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 54, p. 262).

"T. Dzerzhinsky! On the question of the expulsion abroad of writers and professors who help the counter-revolution.

We need to prepare this more carefully. Without preparation we will become stupid. Please discuss such preparation measures.

Convene a meeting of Messing, Mantsev and someone else in Moscow.

Oblige members of the Politburo to devote 2-3 hours a week to reviewing a number of publications and books, checking the execution, demanding written reviews and ensuring that all non-communist publications are sent to Moscow without delay.

Add reviews of communist writers (Steklov, Olminsky, Skvortsov, Bukharin, etc.).

Collect systematic information about the political experience, work and literary activities of professors and writers.

Entrust all this to a smart, educated and careful person in the GPU.

My reviews of the two St. Petersburg editions:

“New Russia” No. 2. Closed by St. Petersburg comrades.

Isn't it closed early? It needs to be sent to members of the Politburo and discussed more carefully. Who is its editor Lezhnev? From The Day? Is it possible to collect information about him? Of course, not all employees of this magazine are candidates for deportation abroad.”

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 54, pp. 265-266).

"T. Stalin for the Politburo:

The session of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee showed the incorrectness of the organization of the composition of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee. The vast majority of its members are officials.

I propose that the Politburo make a decision:

It is necessary to recognize that at least 60% of the members of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee are workers and peasants who do not hold any positions in the Soviet service; so that at least 67% of the members of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee are communists..."

(Lenin, PSS, vol. 45, p. 203).

"T. Stalin!

Regarding the question of the expulsion of Mensheviks, People's Socialists, Cadets, etc. from Russia, I would like to ask a few questions in view of the fact that this operation, which began before my leave, has not been completed even now.

Decisively “eradicate” all the Popular Socialists? Peshekhonov, Myakotin, Gornfeld? Petrishcheva and others. In my opinion, expel everyone. More harmful than any Socialist-Revolutionary, because he is more dexterous.

Also A.N. Potresov, Izgoev and all the employees of The Economist (Ozerov and many, many others). Meki: Rozanov (doctor, cunning), Vigdorchik (Migulo or something like that), Lyubov Nikol Radchenko and her young daughter (according to rumor, the worst enemies of Bolshevism); ON THE. Rozhkov (we need to send him away, he’s incorrigible); S.L. Frank (author of "Methodology"). A commission under the supervision of Mantsev, Messing and others should submit lists and several hundred such gentlemen should be sent abroad mercilessly. We will cleanse Russia for a long time.

I really need to think about Lezhnev (formerly Den): should I expel him? Will always be the most insidious, as far as I can judge from reading his articles.

Ozerov, like all the employees of The Economist, are the most merciless enemies. Get them all out of Russia.

This must be done immediately. By the end of the Socialist Revolutionary process, not later. Arrest several hundred and without announcing a motive - leave, gentlemen!

Pay attention to writers in St. Petersburg (addresses of “New Russian Book”, No. 4, 1922, p. 37) and to the list of private publishing houses (p. 29).

With [communist] greetings Lenin"

(V.I. Lenin, Unknown documents.., 1999, pp. 544-545).

t. Unschlikht!

Kindly order: return to me all the attached papers with notes, who was expelled, who is imprisoned, who (and why) was spared expulsion? Very brief notes on the same paper.

Your Lenin.

Applications

“List of active anti-Soviet intelligentsia (professors)”

Professor of the 1st Moscow University

1. STRATONOV Vsevolod Viktorovich is expelled, at large

2. FOMIN Vasily Emelyanovich deportation cancelled, post com 31/8 based on the petition of Comrade Yakovleva and Bogdanov

Professor of the Moscow Higher Technical School

4 . YASINSKY Vsevolod Ivanovich is expelled, at large

5. BRILLING Nikolai Romanovich is not deported, he is registered with the Counterintelligence Department of the GPU, and is brought to justice for counter-revolution.

6. KUKOLEVSKY Ivan Ivanovich deportation suspended temporarily until receipt of motives for Comrade Bogdanov’s petition

7. ZVORYKIN Vladimir Vasilievich is expelled, at large

Professor of the Petrovsko-Razumovsky Agricultural Academy

8. ARTOBOLEVSKY Ivan Alekseevich is listed before the Revolutionary Tribunal, accused of campaigning against the confiscation of church valuables.

9. USHAKOV is expelled and is free.

Professor of the Institute of Railway Engineers

10. TYAPKIN Nikolay Dmitrievich the case was transferred to KROGPU, i.e. The counterintelligence department of the GPU is being held in custody to bring them to justice for counter-revolutionary activities.

In the case of the Free Economic Society

11. UGRIMOV Alexander Ivanovich is expelled, at large

Professors from various educational institutions

12. OVCHINNIKOV (Kazan) no arrests, no information.

13. Pavel Apollonovich VELIKHOV was transferred to the KROGPU (Counterintelligence Department) for prosecution for counterintelligence, and is being held in custody.

14. LOSKUTOV Nikolai Nikolaevich not wanted

15. TROSHIN (Kazan) not found.

16. NOVIKOV M.M.. is expelled, at large.

17. Ilyin I.A. expelled, free.

List of anti-Soviet professors of the Archaeological Institute

18. USPENSKY Alexander Ivanovich was sentenced to 10 years in prison by the Smolensk Revolutionary Tribunal for campaigning against the seizure of church valuables.

19. TSVETKOV Nikolai Nikolaevich is expelled, at large.

20. Vasily Mikhailovich BORDYGIN is expelled, at large

21. KOROBKOV Nikolai Mikhailovich was released as seriously ill, Commission post dated 31/8 22, the last stage of tuberculosis.

General list of active anti-Soviet figures in the case of the Bereg publishing house

22. TRUBETKOY Sergei Evgenievich is expelled, at large

23. FELDSTEIN Mikhail Solomonovich is expelled, at large

List of persons involved in case No. 813 (Abrikosov group)

24. ABRICOSOV is expelled, at large

Vladimir Vladimirovich

25. KUZMIN-KARAVAEV is expelled, at large

Dmitry Vladimirovich

26. BAIKOV Alexey Lvovich is expelled, at large

27. Alexey Dmitrievich ARBUZOV is expelled, at large

List of anti-Soviet agronomists and cooperators

28. RYBNIKOV at the request of the board

Alexander Alexandrovich Narkomzem's deportation was cancelled, an investigation was opened against him

29. Nikolai Ivanovich LYUBIMOV is expelled, at large

30. Ivan Petrovich MATVEEV is expelled, at large

31. ROMANOVSKY Nikolai Pavlovich is expelled, at large

33. Kondratyev N.D. a case was initiated on charges of assisting the Social Revolutionaries, the deportation was temporarily suspended, he was held in custody

34. KILCHEVSKY is expelled, at large

Vladimir Agafonovich

35. BULATOV Alexey Alekseevich is expelled, at large

(Novgorod)

36. SIGIRSKY Alexander Ivanovich is expelled, at large

37. SHISHKIN Matvey Dmitrievich is expelled, too

(Vologda)

38. BAKKAL (left s.r.) is sent, too

39. INFANTS are expelled, too

Nikolay Vasilievich

40. KLEZETSKY (Tver) not wanted

List of doctors

41. ISRAILSON (Eagle) is sent to the Kyrgyz region for 2 years to work in his specialty as a doctor

42. FALIN (Vologda) was sent to Vologda for 2 years to work in his specialty as a doctor

43. ROZANOV (Saratov) is sent to Turkestan to work in his specialty as a doctor

List of anti-Soviet engineers (Moscow)

44. PALCHINSKY Petr Ioakimovich is expelled and is in custody

45. PARSHIN Nikolai Evgrafovich, the deportation was canceled until the issue is clarified with comrade. Steklov and Bogdanov, at large

46. ​​YUSHTIN Ivan Ivanovich expelled, at large

47. WEISBERG not wanted

48. KOZLOV Nikolai Pavlovich not wanted

49. Andrei Vasilyevich SAKHAROV was released and the case was closed for secret reasons of the GPU

List of writers

50. FRANK Semyon Ludvigovich is expelled, at large

51. ROSENBERG is expelled, at large

52. KIESEWETTER A.A. expelled, free

53. OZERETSKOVSKY is expelled, at large

Veniamin Sergeevich

54. YUROVSKY is not expelled, Commission post 31/8

Alexander Naumovich 22 at the request of Comrade Vladimirsky

55. OGANOVSKY not wanted

56. AIKHENVALD Yuliy Isaevich is expelled, at large

57. BERDYAEV N.A. expelled, free

58. Ivan Khristoforovich OZEROV suspended the deportation until further notice to clarify the issue with Comrade Malyshev

59. OSORGIN Mikhail Andreevich is expelled, at large

60. MATUSEVICH Joseph Alexandrovich is expelled, at large

61. EFIMOV (professor) not wanted

31/VII – 22

Kamenev L.

D. Kursky

Additional list of anti-Soviet intelligentsia (professorship) (Moscow)

1. KRAVETS Tarichan Pavlovich, the case was transferred to KROGPU (Counterintelligence Department), held accountable for counter-revolutionary actions, is in custody

2. IZGARYSHEV Nikolay Alekseevich has been released from deportation, a formal investigation is being carried out into the merits of his abandonment in the RSFSR

List of writers

3. Vasily Mikhailovich KUDRYAVTSEV is expelled, at large

4. MYAKOTIN Venedikt Aleksandrovich is expelled

5. PESHEKHONOV Alexey Vasilievich is expelled

6. Fyodor Avgustovich STEPUN not wanted

7. CHARNOLUSSKY Vladimir Ivanovich not wanted

8. IZYUMOV Alexander Filaretovich is expelled, at large

L. Kamenev

D. Kursky

31/VII – 22

List of anti-Soviet intelligentsia in Petrograd

1. SOROKIN Pitirim Aleksandrovich arrested[arrested], deported

2. IZGOEV-LANDE A.S. arrested, expelled, at large to liquidate cases

3.ZUBASHEV E.L. ar, expelled, free to liquidate cases

4. BRUCKAS ar, expelled, at large to liquidate cases

5. KOGAN A.S. ar, expelled, free to liquidate cases

6. LUKHOTIN ar, expelled, free to liquidate cases

7. PUMPYANSKY ar, expelled, at large to liquidate cases

8. FROMMETT not wanted

9. ZAMYATIN E.I. ar, the deportation is postponed until further notice (resolution of the commission of Comrade Dzerzhinsky dated 31/8 of this year)

10. PETRISCHEV ar, expelled

11. BULGAKOV S.N. not wanted

12. VOLKOVISSKY N.M. ar, expelled, free to liquidate cases

13. KHARITON Boris Ar, expelled, free to liquidate cases

14. CHADAEV is not wanted

15. KARSAVIN ar, subject to deportation, at large to liquidate cases

16. LOSSKY ar, expelled, free to liquidate cases

17. GUTKIN A.Ya. ar, expelled, free to liquidate cases

18. KANCEL Efim Semenovich deportation suspended pending receipt from comrade. Tsyperovich guarantee and justification for it (post com 31)

19. ZBARSKY David Solomonovich not wanted

20. SADIKOVA Y.N. ar, subject to deportation, at large

21. BRONSHTEIN Isai Evseevich arrest, expelled, at large

22. PAVLOV Pavel Pavlovich not wanted

23. KARGELS Nikolai Konstantinovich ar, subject to deportation, at large

24. Soloveitchik Emmanuel Borisovich not wanted

List of members of the United Council of Professors of Petrograd

25. POLETIKA not wanted

26. Odintsov Boris Nikolaevich ar, expelled, at large

27. LAPSHIN Ivan Ivanovich ar, expelled, at large

28. POLNER Sergei Ivanovich ar, expelled, at large

29. ANTONOVSKAYA Nadezhda Grigorievna not found

30. SELIVANOV Dmitry Fedorovich ar, expelled, at large

31. Frenkel Grigory Ivanovich not wanted

32. OSTROVSKY Andrey Ar, subject to deportation, free

33. Pavel Ilyich BUTOV not wanted

34. VISLOUKH Stanislav Mikhailovich ar, expelled, at large

35. WETZER German Rudolfovich not wanted

36. KORSH not wanted

37. NAROIKO too

38. STEIN, Viktor Moritsovich, according to the resolutions of the commission chaired by Comrade Dzerzhinsky, was released from deportation and left in Petrograd. See special statement

39. SAVICH is put on trial for participation in the Antisov organization, is not sent abroad, and is kept in custody

40. BOGOLEPOV A.A. not wanted

41. OSOKIN Vladimir Mikhailovich is expelled, at large

42. BOLSHAKOV Andrey Mikhailovich not wanted

43. GUSAROV Ignatiy Evdokimovich According to the resolution of the commission

44. EREMEEV Grigory Alekseevich under the chairmanship of Comrade

45. EREMEEV Grigory Alekseevich Dzerzhinsky decided

46. ​​TELTEVSKY Alexey Vasilievich to initiate a case on charges of belonging to an anti-Soviet organization. Do not send them abroad, bring everyone to trial. Do not release from arrest.

47. EVDOKIMOV Petr Ivanovich ar, subject to deportation, at large

List of St. Petersburg writers

48. ROZHKOV not wanted

49. GERETSKY Viktor Yakovlevich not wanted

50. CLEMENS is not wanted

51. KROKHMAL Viktor Nikolaevich Exempted from expulsion by the resolution of the commission under the chairmanship of Comrade Dzerzhinsky dated 31/8 of this year. on the basis of his personal letter to Comrade Dzerzhinsky, in which he assures of his loyalty to the Soviet authorities.

L. Kamenev.

D. Kursky.

I. Unshlikht.

Note. According to the decision of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the RCP, a commission chaired by Comrade Dzerzhinsky considered petitions to cancel the deportation of persons considered indispensable in their industry, and about whom the relevant institutions made statements to remain in place.

Deputy Chairman of the GPU G. Yagoda"

(V.I. Lenin. Unknown documents.., 1999, pp. 550-557).

“Comrade Stalin. Letter for the plenum of the Central Committee.

To correctly assess our disagreement on the issue of Rozhkov, we must keep in mind that we have already raised this issue several times in the Politburo<…>

I suggest:

the first is to send Rozhkov abroad,

secondly, if this does not work (for example, on the grounds that Rozhkov, due to his old age, deserves leniency), then there should be no public discussion of Rozhkov’s statements received under duress. Then we must wait until Rozhkov, at least in a few years, makes a sincere statement in our favor. Until then, I would suggest sending him, for example, to Pskov, creating tolerable living conditions for him, providing him with money and work. But we must keep him under strict supervision, for this man is and will probably be our enemy to the end.

(V.I. Lenin. Unknown documents., 1999, pp. 579-580).

Removal of V.I. Lenin from power. He dictates a letter to N.K. Krupskaya and, at the insistence of the party leadership (formally “as prescribed by doctors”), leaves Moscow forever (Felshtinsky, 1999, p. 290).

LITERATURE

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Katsva L.A. Soviet Russia: the first months of Bolshevik power. - "Story". Weekly appl. to gas “First of September”, 1997, No. 36, p. 6-9; No. 37, p. 1-7;. No. 38, p. 12-16.

Katsva L.A. Civil War in Russia (1918-1921). – in the same place, 1998, No. 22, p. 1-16; No. 23, p. 3-6.

Kozhin Yu.A. Hostages during the civil war in Russia - “History”. Weekly appl. to gas “First of September”, 2000, p. 1-16.

Courtois St., Werth N., Panne J.-L., Paczkowski A., Bartoszek K., Margolin J.-L. The Black Book of Communism. Crimes. Terror. Repression. M., “Three centuries of history, 1999.

IN AND. Lenin and the Cheka. Collection of documents (1917-1922). M., IPL, 1975.

IN AND. Lenin. Unknown documents. 1891-1922 M., “Russian Political Encyclopedia” (ROSSPEN), 1999.

Latyshev A.G. Declassified Lenin. M., “March”, 1996.

Lenin V.I. Introduction to the proclamation of the Don Committee of the RSDLP “To Russian Citizens” - PSS, vol. 6, p. 371.

Lenin V.I. All for the fight against Denikin! (Letter from the Central Committee of the RCP (Bolsheviks) to party organizations) - PSS, vol. 39, pp. 44-63.

Lenin V.I. State and revolution. The doctrine of Marxism about the state and the tasks of the proletariat in the revolution. – PSS, vol. 33, p. 1-120.

Lenin V.I. Report [at the III Congress of the RS-DRP] on the participation of social democracy in the Provisional Revolutionary Government. – PSS, vol. 10, p. 126-141).

Lenin V.I. Tasks of the units of the revolutionary army. – PSS, vol. 11, p. 339-343.

Lenin V.I. To the slogans. – PSS, vol. 34, p. 10-17.

Lenin V.I. How the bourgeoisie uses renegades. – PSS, vol. 39, p. 182-194.

Lenin V.I. About the fighting agreement for the uprising. – PSS, vol. 9, p. 274-282.

Lenin V.I. About hunger (Letter to St. Petersburg workers) - PSS, vol. 36, p. 357-364.

Lenin V.I. About dual power. – PSS, vol. 31, p. 145-148.

Lenin V.I. An explanation of the law regarding fines levied on workers in factories and factories. – PSS, vol. 2, p. 15-60.

Lenin V.I. The victory of the Cadets and the tasks of the workers’ party – PSS, vol. 12, p. 271-352.

Lenin V.I. The draft program of our party. – PSS, vol. 4, p. 213-239).

Lenin V.I. Draft resolution on terror [for the Second Congress of the RS-DRP]. – PSS, vol. 7, p. 251.

Lenin V.I. Proletarian revolution and the renegade Kautsky. – PSS, vol. 50, p. 235-338.

Lenin V.I. Revolutionary adventurism. – PSS, vol. 6, p. 377-398.

Lenin V.I. Where to begin? – PSS, vol. 5, p. 5-13.

Lenin V.I. Lessons from the Commune. – PSS, vol. 16, p. 451-454.

Lenin V.I. Lessons from the Moscow Uprising. – PSS, vol. 13, p. 369-377).

Lenin V.I. Lessons from the revolution. – PSS, vol. 19, p. 416-424.

Lenin V.I. What are “friends of the people” and how do they fight against the Social Democrats? (Response to Russian Wealth articles against Marxists). – PSS, vol. 1, p. 125-346.

Lenin V.I. To the Combat Committee under the St. Petersburg Committee of October 16 (29), 1905 - PSS, vol. 11, p. 336-338.

Lenin V.I. Letter from I.F. Armand. Beginning of 1914 – PSS, vol. 48, p. 238.

Lenin V.I. Telegram to the Military Revolutionary Committee [dated November 16 (29), 1917] - PSS, vol. 50, p. 7.

Lenin V.I. G.P. Blagonravov and V.D. Bonch-Bruevich [from December 8 (21), 1917] – PSS, vol. 50, p. 18.

Lenin V.I. Speech at the Meeting of the Presidium of the Petrograd Soviet with representatives of food organizations on January 14 (27), 1918 - PSS, vol. 35, p. 311.

Lenin V.I. Speech before agitators sent to the provinces on January 23 (February 5), 1918 - PSS, vol. 35, p. 323-327.

Lenin V.I. Report of the Council of People's Commissars at the V All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers, Peasants, Soldiers and Red Army Deputies on July 5, 1918 - PSS, vol. 36, p. 491-513.

Lenin V.I. Telegram to the Penza Provincial Executive Committee dated August 9, 1918 - PSS, vol. 50, p. 143-144.

Lenin V.I. Letter from V.V. Kuraev, E.B. Bosch, A.E. Mrnkin from August 11, 1918 - In the book: V.I. Lenin. Unknown documents 1899-1922. M., ROSSPEN, 1999, p. 246.

Lenin V.I. Conversation with American journalist Lincoln Steffens in March 1919 [fragment]. – Latyshev, 1996, p. 205.

Lenin V.I. Telegram from M.V. Frunze dated August 30, 1919 - In the book: V.I. Lenin. Unknown documents. 1891-1922 M., ROSSPEN, 1999, p. 297.

Lenin V.I. Letter from L.D. To Trotsky from October 22, 1919 - In the book: V.I. Lenin Unknown documents. 1891-1922 M., ROSSPEN, 1999, p. 304.

Lenin V.I. Note to the Politburo of the Central Committee of the RCP (b) (December 1919). – In the book: V.I. Lenin. Unknown documents. 1891-1922 M., ROSSPEN, 1999, p. 314.

Lenin V.I. Speech at the IV Conference of Provincial Extraordinary Commissions on February 6, 1920 - PSS, vol. 40, p. 113-121.

Lenin V.I. Note from E.M. Sklyansky dated February 24, 1920 - In the book: V.I. Lenin. Unknown documents 1891-1922. M., ROSSPEN, 1999, p. 329.

Lenin V.I. Telegram from I.T. Smilge and G.K. Ordzhonikidze dated February 28, 1920 - In the book: V.I. Lenin. Unknown documents 1891-1922. M., ROSSPEN, 1999, p. 330.

Lenin V.I. Speech at the III All-Russian Congress of Trade Unions on April 7, 1920 - PSS, vol. 40, p. 299-313.

Lenin V.I. Resolution on imposing a penalty on the head of the Gorki sanatorium E.Ya. Weber dated June 14, 1920 - PSS, vol. 41, p. 151.

Lenin V.I. Note to the Fuel Department of the Moscow Soviet of Deputies. – PSS, vol. 51, p. 216.

Lenin V.I. Note to the Politburo of the Central Committee of the RCP (b) dated June 24, 1920 - In the book: V.I. Lenin. Unknown documents 1891-1922. M., ROSSPEN, 1999, p. 349.

Lenin V.I. Telegram to the Revolutionary Committee of the Ural Region and the Saratov Provincial Executive Committee dated August 2, 1920 - PSS, vol. 51, p. 347-348.

Lenin V.I. Tasks of the Youth Unions (Speech at the III All-Russian Congress of the Russian Communist Youth Union on October 2, 1920) - PSS, vol. 41, p. 298-318.

Lenin V.I. Note from E.M. Sklyansky (late October - November 1920) - In the book: V.I. Lenin. Unknown documents 1891-1922. M., ROSSPEN, 1999, p. 399.

Lenin V.I. note from E.M. Sklyansky (late October - November 1920) - in the same place, p. 400.

Lenin V.I. Final word on the report of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and the Council of People's Commissars on foreign and domestic policy on December 23, 1920 - PSS, vol. 42, p. 172-177.

Lenin V.I. Letter from G.M. Krzhizhanovsky (late December 1920) - PSS, vol. 52, p. 38-39.

Lenin V.I. Note from V.M. To Molotov from May 19, 1921 - In the book: V.I. Lenin. Unknown documents 1891-1922. M., ROSSPEN, 1999, p. 438.

IN AND. Lenin. Note to an unidentified person dated June 5, 1918 - In the book: V.I. Lenin. Unknown documents 1891-1922. M., ROSSPEN, 1999, p. 238-239.

Lenin V.I. Report on the tactics of the RCP at the Third Congress of the Communist International on July 5, 1921 - PSS, vol. 44, p. 34-54.

Lenin V.I. Report on the tactics of the RCP at the III Congress of the Communist International 5 Lenin V.I. Note from V.A. Smolyaninov dated July 27, 1921 - PSS, vol. 53, p. 70.

Lenin V.I. Note to the Small Council of People's Commissars (between August 8 and 11, 1921) - PSS, vol. 53, p. 106-107).

Lenin V.I. Letter from I.V. Stalin and all members of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the RCP (b) dated August 26, 1921 - PSS, vol. 53, p. 140-142.

Lenin V.I. Letter to Y.A. Berzin dated September 8, 1921 - In the book: V.I. Lenin. Unknown documents 1891-1922. M., RSSPEN, 1999, p. 468-469.

Lenin V.I Telegram to the Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the Belarusian SSR dated October 10, 1921 - PSS, vol. 53, p. 254.

IN AND. Lenin. Letter from G.V. Chicherin dated October 24, 1921 - “Izvestia of the Central Committee of the CPSU, 1990, No. 4, p. 185.

Lenin V.I. On the tasks of the People's Commissariat of Justice in the conditions of the new economic policy. Letter from D.I. Kursky dated February 20, 1922 - PSS, vol. 44, p. 396-400.

Lenin V.I. Letter from V.M. Molotov for members of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the RCP (b) dated March 19, 1922 - “Izvestia of the Central Committee of the CPSU, 1990, No. 4, p. 190-193.

Lenin V.I. To Comrade Molotov for members of the Politburo, March 23, 1922 - PSS, vol. 54, p. 216-217.

Lenin V.I. Additions to the draft Introductory Law to the Criminal Code of the RSFSR and letters from D.I. Kursky dated May 15, 1922 - PSS, vol. 45, p. 189.

Lenin V.I. Letter from I.V. Stalin for the Politburo of the Central Committee of the RCP (b) with a draft resolution on the composition of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of May 23, 1922 - PSS, vol. 45, p. 203.

Lenin V.I. Note from I.S. Unshlikht dated September 17, 1922 - In the book: V.I. Lenin. Unknown documents 1891-1922. M., ROSSPEN, 1999, p. 550-557.

Lenin V.I. Letter from I.V. To Stalin from December 13, 1922 - In the book: V.I. Lenin. Unknown documents 1891-1922. – M., ROSSPEN, 1999, p. 579-580.

Lenin V.I. and Krestinsky N.N. Telephone message from G.E. Zinoviev dated May 21, 1919 - in the book: V.I. Lenin. Unknown documents 1891-1922, M., ROSSPEN, 1999, p. 289.

Rossi J. Guide to the Gulag in two parts. Ed. 2nd, additional M., Prosvet, 1991.

Solzhenitsyn A.I. GULAG Archipelago.

Felshtinsky Yu.G. Leaders in law. M., TERRA - Book Club, 1999.

The PSS erroneously states “later October 3(16).” But the previous document was dated by Lenin himself on October 16 (of course, according to the “old style”); thus, this document was written later than October 16 (29).

The cited source states: “written later than December 18, 1913.” Considering that this old style, according to the new style will be later than December 31, 1913, i.e. early 1914

But if all the speculators are “shot on the spot,” then where can the “wealthy part of the population” buy bread, where there are those same “children, women and old people” whose well-being the communists supposedly cared so much about?

Military equipment and ammunition necessary for the needs of the front.

The text I underlined in PSS V.I. Lenin (vol. 51, p. 68) was omitted.

The head of the anti-communist armed formations S.N. Bey-Bulak-Balakhovich.

A contemptuous name given by communist bosses to the All-Russian Committee for Famine Relief after the name of its leaders: E.D. Kuskova and N.M. Kishkina.

Still, in some cases it is impossible to do without comments. The Communists did not tolerate any interference in their affairs, and therefore dispersed this Committee, because “these feeding hands were not the hands that could be allowed to feed the hungry” (Solzhenitsyn, 1973, p. 46). But the main thing is that all these uncontrolled committees prevented them from using the funds they received in their own way, and not helping some starving people. November 27, 1995 A.N. Yakovlev reported: “In the early 20s, under the pretext of helping the starving people of the Volga region, church valuables worth two and a half billion gold rubles were confiscated. However, according to our data, only one million [!!! – G.Kh.]. The rest of the money ended up in the foreign accounts of party bosses or was directed to the needs of the world revolution” (Latyshev, 1996, p. 171).

All articles in this series are posted in the folder “Lenin’s Heritage”

In “The Infantile Disease of “Leftism” in Communism,” Lenin frankly stated that the Bolsheviks rejected individual terror only because of expediency.

Terror, according to Lenin, is one of the most important methods of activity of the entire world revolutionary movement. In a speech on the conditions for admission to the Communist International on July 30, 1920, Lenin said that against people who act as the German officers did in the murder of Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg, against people like Stinnes and Krupp, against such people the Communists must use violence and terror.

At the same time, it is not at all necessary that the communists announce in advance that they will certainly resort to terror. But if the German officers, the Kapp men, remain the same, if Stinnes and Krupp remain as they are now, then terror against them will be necessary.

Terror, according to Lenin, has many faces. There is physical, ideological, economic, moral, etc. terror. Varieties of terror may replace each other, but terror as such, as an instrument of party Bolshevik policy, must always remain. That's what Lenin thought.

In a letter to L.B. Lenin warned Kamenev on March 3, 1922 that the greatest mistake would be to think that the New Economic Policy had put an end to terror.

“We,” Lenin wrote, “will return to terror and economic terror” (44.428). Terror, therefore, turned out to be simply a way of life, a way of functioning of the Bolshevik Party and the Soviet state.

In 1920 (the exact date is unknown) Lenin wrote:

"T. Krestinsky.
I propose to immediately publish (at first, secretly) a commission to develop emergency measures (in the spirit of Larin - Larin is right). Let's say, you + Larin + Vladimirsky (or Dzerzhinsky) + Rykov? or Milyutin.
Secretly prepare terror: urgently needed. And on Tuesday we’ll decide whether to register through SNK or otherwise
1920
Lenin"
(RCKHIDNI, fund 2, op. 2, storage unit 492).

Prepare terror secretly from the people, as the Bolsheviks usually did! Prepare a new terror, for the umpteenth time. But, perhaps, the most important thing is an indication that terror is prepared by a narrow group of people, and only then formalized by a decision of the Council of People's Commissars or some other body.

“Having heard the report of the Chairman of the Cheka for the fight against counter-revolution on the activities of this commission, the Council of People's Commissars finds that in this situation, ensuring the rear through terror is a direct necessity; that in order to strengthen the activities of the Cheka and introduce greater systematicity into it, it is necessary to send there as many responsible party comrades as possible, that it is necessary to protect the Soviet Republic from class enemies by isolating them in concentration camps; all persons involved in White Guard organizations, conspiracies and rebellions are subject to execution; that it is necessary to publish the names of all those executed, as well as the reasons for applying this measure to them.
Secretary of the Council L. Fotieva
Moscow. Kremlin
September 5, 1918"

The chronicle of Lenin's terror is long and it is impossible to cover it completely in one article. It should only be said that, according to Lenin’s instructions, the system of revolutionary tribunals replaced the system of ordinary courts, and in fact, the entire system of progressive Russian justice was destroyed after the judicial reform of the 19th century.

The revolutionary tribunals judged based on class considerations; their verdicts were based on “revolutionary legal consciousness” and “proletarian conscience.” But the most important thing remained with the Cheka, which combined the functions of the prosecutor’s office, investigation, trial and execution of sentences. The tentacles of the extraordinary commissions, which played the executioner's role, were all-pervasive. These were the bodies that directly carried out Lenin’s instructions.

Lenin, although he spoke about legality several times, actually denied real legality. And in general, laws for Lenin, especially in the last period of his life, were an empty phrase.

His legal nihilism was simply amazing for a lawyer. Law and legality, despite individual statements in their defense, were replaced by Lenin with “expediency” and “revolutionary legal consciousness.”

And in general, the leader of Bolshevism practically did not consider issues of law. For him, social demagoguery was more important. And this is understandable. After all, where it is not a dictator who rules, but the law, there is no flirting with the crowd. Real democracy, and not “proletarian” democracy, is possible only where there is a developed civil society based on good laws.

In the report of the Council of People's Commissars on July 5, 1918. At the V All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers', Peasants', Soldiers' and Red Army Deputies, Lenin directly said that laws in transitional periods have only temporary significance. If a law interferes with the development of the revolution, the head of the Soviet state argued, it is corrected or repealed.

“They refer to decrees,” said Lenin, “abolishing the death penalty. But a bad revolutionary is one who, at a moment of acute struggle, stops before the inviolability of the law. Laws in transitional times have temporary significance. And if the law hinders the development of the revolution, it is repealed or amended.” (Report of the Council of People's Commissars at the V All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers', Peasants', Soldiers' and Red Army Deputies on July 5, 1918)

"... a revolutionary who does not want to be a hypocrite cannot refuse the death penalty. There has not been a single revolution or era of civil war in which there were no executions." (Report of the Council of People's Commissars at the V All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers', Peasants', Soldiers' and Red Army Deputies on July 5, 1918)

If Robespierre accelerated the fall of his party with terror, then Lenin, with a hundred times more powerful terror, on the contrary, strengthened the power of the Bolsheviks and the totalitarian state they created, inspiring panic.

Instead of elementary legality, without which no civilization can exist, from the first days of the October revolution, arbitrariness, lawlessness and rabid violence reigned - these companions of barbarism.

It was the so-called socialist state system that gave birth to the type of people who are ready to do anything, to use the most barbaric means tested in the past.

We have received abundant evidence of this during the decades of dominance of the totalitarian Soviet state regime. Lenin revived the criminal institution of hostage-taking, which seemed to be a thing of the past, one of the most disgusting instruments of mass terror.

In the draft resolution of the Defense Council on the mobilization of Soviet employees, a draft decree written no later than May 31, 1919, Lenin stated:

“P 1. For 4 months (from 15.VI/15/X) to mobilize all male employees in Soviet institutions from 18 to 45...
...P 2. Mobilized to be placed at the disposal of the military department...
...P Z. The mobilized are responsible for each other on mutual responsibility, and their families are considered hostages in the event of going over to the enemy’s side or deserting or failing to complete these tasks, etc.” (54.415).

This sinister, deeply immoral method of hostage-taking was borrowed by Trotsky. He wrote:

“Serpukhov, Revolutionary Military Council, Aralova.
Even when you were the head of the People's Commissariat of Military Affairs, I gave you the order to establish Family status commanding staff of former officers and inform each one, against a personal signature, that his treason or betrayal will entail the arrest of his family, and that, therefore, he himself thus assumes responsibility for the fate of his family. Since that time, there have been a number of cases of betrayal by former officers, but in none of these cases, as far as I know, the family of the traitor was arrested, since, apparently, the registration of the former officers was not carried out at all. Such a careless attitude towards the most important task is completely unacceptable.
Pre-Revolutionary Military Council Trotsky" (TsPA, fund 33987, op. 2, file 41, l. 62).

By solving such a “most important task” they tried to strengthen the Red Army. Throughout the civil war, Lenin and his inner circle believed that by turning the families of military specialists into hostages, they forced military specialists to fight for the Soviet Republic out of fear for the lives of their loved ones. Did Lenin understand the immorality of these methods?

One thing is clear: in matters related to the class struggle and revolution, he considered everything moral that contributed to its salvation. Moreover, the hostages were not only family members of former officers, but also themselves. Quite a few of them were shot when one of their colleagues went over to the side of the whites.

Received with light hand Lenin spread not only the institution of hostage, but also the institution of “prize”. So, following the example of Lenin, Trotsky issued a brutal order:

“I propose to announce a bonus for every Cossack from the Mammoth gangs delivered alive or dead. As a bonus, you can give out leather uniforms, boots, watches, food items (several pounds), etc. In addition, everything that is found on the Cossack, horse and saddle, becomes the property of the capturer” (TsGSA, fund 33987, op. 1, file 229, l. 213).

Such was the Bolshevik “class” morality. It is quite natural that the policy of terror of the Soviet government against the Cossacks led to the fact that a significant part of the Cossacks supported Denikin.

After all, there were direct instructions from the Center “on the complete, rapid, decisive destruction of the Cossacks as a special economic group, the destruction of their economic foundations, the physical destruction of the Cossack officials and officers, in general of all the top of the Cossacks” (RCKHIDNI, fund 17, op. 65, file 34, l 163–165).

This is how decossackization began, the response to which was massive uprisings of the Cossacks. The institution of hostage-taking was borrowed from Lenin and Stalin, who turned the wives of his closest associates into hostages.

Terror was the true brainchild of the Bolsheviks immediately after the October Revolution. Thus, 1918 began with the dispersal of the Constituent Assembly, which was elected by universal suffrage and had almost a quarter of the representatives from the Bolsheviks.
At the same time, the majority of deputies consisted mainly of socialist revolutionaries.

It was a time of bloody, fierce civil war.
Mass terror reigned. The press opposing the Bolsheviks was destroyed. Freedom of speech and assembly has disappeared. One wave of endless arrests and executions followed another, and the legal struggle of the opposition against the Bolsheviks became impossible.

Lenin also did not take into account the laws adopted by the Soviet government. Legality did not exist for him. In July 1918 Lenin, referring to the Decree on the Abolition of the Death Penalty, said: “A bad revolutionary is one who, at a moment of acute struggle, stops before the inviolability of the law. Shoot at the scene of the crime, shoot one out of ten guilty of parasitism” (36, 504, 195; 35, 204).

Already in the first months after the October revolution, Lenin demanded recognition of “the most merciless measures to combat chaos, disorder and idleness, the most decisive and draconian measures to raise the discipline and self-discipline of workers and peasants as absolutely necessary and urgent” (36, 217).

As can be seen, the demand for merciless, decisive and draconian measures to increase discipline and self-discipline is addressed to workers and peasants. Thus, the repressive apparatus created was directed against the majority.

A monstrous coercive machine was created: the Cheka, the Red Army at the beginning of 1918, and even earlier the army - the police; trial from November 24, 1917 and Bolshevik prisons. And soon the creation of concentration camps began.

The enslaved people tried to resist. So, in June 1920, in the city of Verny (later Alma-Ata), the Red Army soldiers rebelled - the same ones who, for two years in a row, in a bloody struggle against the Cossacks, established Soviet power in Semirechye. Local peasants and Cossacks joined the rebels; in total there were about five thousand rebels.

Of course, the uprising was suppressed, some of its participants were shot, and some received various sentences. But the very fact of the uprising raised by the Red Army soldiers and its support by the local population suggests that in Semirechye (and throughout Russia) the Bolsheviks did not have any social base.

Citizen ukulele_fan told me yesterday in the post Bolsheviks and Hostages: In general, it’s enough to turn to Lenin’s letters and see how many times the word “shoot” appears there. Interesting discoveries await even the most knowledgeable people.

And I decided that I needed to see what Lenin wrote about the executions. To do this, I took volumes 35-42 of the PSS, covering the period from October 1917 to March 1921, i.e. during the civil war and looked.
There is a conversation about executions 30 times (unless, of course, you count examples of historical events and we are not talking about executions among whites), and by 1920 the conversation about executions practically stops, and in volume 42 (November 1920 - March 1921 ) there is no mention at all.

So, especially for “interesting discoveries”:

I believe that any regiment is sufficiently organized to maintain the necessary revolutionary order. If the moment when the soldiers go to negotiate a truce is used for treason, if an attack is carried out during fraternization, then the duty of the soldiers is to shoot the traitors immediately without formalities.

Thousands of forms and methods of practical accounting and control over the rich, swindlers and parasites must be developed and tested in practice by the communes themselves, small cells in the countryside and in the city... In one place a dozen rich people, a dozen swindlers, half a dozen workers shirking from work will be imprisoned (in the same hooligan way as many typesetters in St. Petersburg shirking their work, especially in party printing houses). In another, they will be assigned to clean toilets. In the third, after leaving the punishment cell, they will be provided with yellow tickets, so that the whole people, until they are reformed, will supervise them as harmful people. In the fourth, one out of ten guilty of parasitism will be shot on the spot...

The facts of abuse are obvious, the profiteering is monstrous... Until we apply terror - shooting on the spot - to speculators, nothing will come of it... In addition, we must also deal decisively with robbers - shoot on the spot.

The detachments shoot red-handed and fully exposed speculators on the spot. Members of detachments exposed to dishonesty are subject to the same punishment... Revolutionary detachments, whenever drawing up a protocol of requisition, arrest or execution, attract witnesses of at least six people, necessarily selected from the poorest population located in the immediate vicinity.

The Council of People's Commissars proposes to the All-Russian Food Council and the Food Commissariat to strengthen the sending of not only commissars, but also numerous armed detachments for the most revolutionary measures of moving goods, collecting and pouring grain, etc., as well as for a merciless fight against speculators, up to the proposal to local Soviets shoot exposed speculators and saboteurs on the spot.

German generals want to establish their “order” in Petrograd and Kiev. The Socialist Republic of Soviets is in the greatest danger. Until the moment when the German proletariat rises and wins, the sacred duty of the workers and peasants of Russia is the selfless defense of the Soviet Republic against the hordes of bourgeois-imperialist Germany. The Council of People's Commissars decides: ... The workers and peasants of Petrograd, Kyiv and all cities, towns, villages and villages along the new front must mobilize battalions to dig trenches under the leadership of military specialists. These battalions should include all able-bodied members of the bourgeois class, men and women, under the supervision of the Red Guards; those who resist are to be shot... Enemy agents, speculators, thugs, hooligans, counter-revolutionary agitators, German spies are shot on the spot... Everyone with weapons must obtain a new permit (a) from their local house committee; (b) from the institutions specified in § 2. Without two permits, it is prohibited to have weapons; Violation of this rule is punishable by execution. The same punishment for hiding food supplies.

In order to continue the nationalization of banks and move steadily towards turning banks into key points of public accounting under socialism, it is necessary, first of all and most of all, to achieve real success in increasing the number of branches for the public to make deposits of the People's Bank, in attracting deposits, in facilitating the execution of bribe-takers and swindlers and issuing money, eliminating “tails” in the capture, etc.

... all the elements of the disintegration of the old society, inevitably very numerous, associated primarily with the petty bourgeoisie (for every war and every crisis ruins and destroys them first of all), may not “show themselves” with such a deep revolution. And the elements of decay cannot “show themselves” otherwise than by increasing crimes, hooliganism, bribery, speculation, and outrages of all kinds. Dealing with this takes time and iron hand. There has not been a single great revolution in history when the people did not instinctively feel this and show saving firmness, shooting thieves at the scene of the crime.

As the main task of the government becomes not military suppression, but management, the typical manifestation of suppression and coercion will become not execution on the spot, but trial.

In this regard, the Mensheviks, who are striving to overthrow Soviet power, are on their side, on the side of the bourgeoisie, and thereby they betray us. When we use executions, they turn into Tolstoyans and shed crocodile tears, shouting about our cruelty. They forgot how they hid secret treaties in their pockets. They, together with Kerensky, drove the workers to the slaughterhouse, forgot about it and turned into meek Christians caring about mercy. Without weapons we will not be able to suppress our enemies, they understand this very well, but they still try to discredit us.

after the words: “rob the loot,” a divergence begins between the proletarian revolution, which says: count the loot and don’t let it be pulled apart, and if they drag it to you directly or indirectly, then shoot such violators of discipline...

The rifle is very a good thing when it was necessary to shoot a war against us, when it was necessary to catch thieves stealing and shoot. But when Comrade Bukharin said that there are people who receive 4000, that they should be put against the wall and shot - wrong.

I ask you to put on the order of the day the question of expelling from the party those members who, being judges in the case (2. V. 1918) of bribe-takers, with a bribe proven and admitted by them, were limited to a sentence of 1/2 year in prison. Instead of shooting bribe-takers, passing such mockingly weak and lenient sentences is a shameful act for a communist and revolutionary. Such comrades must be prosecuted in the court of public opinion and expelled from the party, for they belong next to the Kerenskys or Martovs, and not next to the communist revolutionaries.

Mobilize the army, highlighting its healthy units, and call on 19-year-olds, at least in some areas, for systematic military operations to conquer, recapture, collect and transport grain and fuel. Introduce execution for indiscipline. for example, the threat of shooting the tenth - for each case of robbery.

The question must be posed in such a way that each member of the board, each member of the responsible institution takes the matter into his own hands, being entirely responsible for it. It is absolutely necessary that anyone who takes over a certain industry should be responsible for everything: both production and distribution. I must tell you that the situation of our Soviet Republic is such that, with the correct distribution of bread and other products, we can hold out for a very, very long time. But for this we certainly need a correct policy of a decisive break with all red tape, we need to act quickly and decisively, we need to appoint certain persons to certain responsible work, it is necessary that each of these persons definitely knows his job, is definitely responsible for it, being responsible right up to execution .

The Soviet government has already shot quite a few people who were caught, for example, in bribery, and the fight against such scoundrels will be brought to the end.

Most of the Mensheviks went over to the side of the bourgeoisie and fought against us during the civil war. We, of course, persecute the Mensheviks, we even shoot them when they fight our Red Army in the war against us and shoot our Red commanders. We responded to the war of the bourgeoisie with a war of the proletariat - there can be no other outcome.

Prosecute more strictly and punish by execution for false denunciations.

We shoot and will continue to shoot the captured bandits, grabbers, and adventurers.

Shooting is the legal fate of a coward in war.

Collecting weapons from the population is one of the components of this work. That in a country that has experienced four years of imperialist war, then two popular revolutions, a lot of weapons are hidden among the peasants and the bourgeoisie, this is natural, it has grown out of all inevitable. But now, with Denikin’s menacing invasion, we need strength to fight this. Whoever hides or helps to hide weapons is the greatest criminal against workers and peasants, he deserves to be shot, for he is the culprit in the death of thousands and thousands of the best Red Army soldiers, who often die only because of a lack of weapons at the fronts.

Hundreds and hundreds of military experts are and will be betrayed to us, we will catch them and shoot them, but we have thousands and tens of thousands of military experts working systematically and for a long time, without whom the Red Army that grew out of the damned memory in the east could not have been created. which the Red Army could not have created, which grew out of the cursed memory of partisanship and managed to win brilliant victories in the east.

Our job is to pose the question directly. What's better? Should we catch and put in prison, sometimes even shoot hundreds of traitors from the Cadets, non-party members, Mensheviks, Socialist Revolutionaries, “speakers” (some with weapons, some with a conspiracy, some with agitation against mobilization, like printers or railway workers from the Mensheviks, etc. ) - against Soviet power, that is, for Denikin? Or bring things to the point of allowing Kolchak and Denikin to kill, shoot, flog to death tens of thousands of workers and peasants? The choice is not difficult. The question stands this way and only this way.

I propose to supplement the decision of the Politburo (measures against Mamontov): to shoot immediately for failure to leave the carriages...

A non-party conference of workers' trade unions took place in White Guard Estland... The conference demanded the conclusion of peace with Russia... Then the conference was dispersed. One hundred people were sent to Russia “to look for Bolshevism”; They detained 26 people and intend to shoot them. We responded to such an action by the White Guard of Estonia with an appeal to the population of their country, and we declared to their government that we would shoot all the hostages who are with us. (Applause.)

So, although on the initiative of Comrade Dzerzhinsky after the capture of Rostov the death penalty was abolished, at the very beginning a reservation was made that we would not turn a blind eye to the possibility of reinstating executions. For us, this question is determined by expediency. It goes without saying that the Soviet government will not maintain the death penalty longer than necessary, and in this regard, by abolishing the death penalty, the Soviet government took a step that no democratic government has ever taken in any bourgeois republic.

The unity of will was expressed in the fact that if someone put his own interests, the interests of his village, or group above the general interests, he was branded a selfish person, he was shot, and this shooting was justified by the moral consciousness of the working class that he must go to victory. We spoke openly about these executions, we said that we do not hide violence, because we realize that we cannot leave the old society without coercion from the backward part of the proletariat. This is where the unity of will was expressed. And this unity of will was carried out in practice in the punishment of every deserter, in every battle, in every campaign, when the communists walked ahead, setting an example.

We must learn to distinguish a person who gave bandits money and weapons in order to reduce the evil the bandits bring and make it easier to catch and shoot the bandits, from a person who gives the bandits money and weapons in order to participate in the division of bandit loot.

We are afraid of excessive expansion of the party, because careerists and scoundrels who deserve only to be shot inevitably try to join the government party.

... although the Kuban Cossack is rich in grain, he saw perfectly well what these promises of the Constituent Assembly, democracy, etc. meant. beautiful things that the Socialist-Revolutionaries, Mensheviks, etc. smear on the lips of fools. Perhaps the Kuban peasants believed them when they spoke so eloquently, but as a result they believed not in words, but in deeds; they saw that the Bolsheviks, although strict people, were still better off with them. As a result of this, Wrangel flew from the Kuban, and many hundreds and thousands of his troops were shot.

And, as always, we draw our own conclusions